Gender, Myths, and Assumptions: Correlates of Risk Perception in Sexual Assault Scenarios

2021 ◽  
pp. 088626052110358
Author(s):  
Melanie D. Hetzel-Riggin ◽  
Shauntey James ◽  
Ryan Roby ◽  
Theresa J. Buczek

Sexual violence continues to plague college campuses even with the implementation of bystander intervention programs. Previous research has demonstrated that diminished situational risk recognition increases the risk for sexual assault victimization. However, there is a paucity of research comparing men’s and women’s risk perception in sexual assault scenarios, risk perception from a victim or perpetrator perspective, or the role of previous sexual violence history, rape myth acceptance, and world assumptions on sexual risk perception. The current study examined male and female college students’ risk perception while reading a sexual assault scenario. Participants also completed measures of victim and perpetrator blame, rape myth acceptance, and beliefs in a just world. The results suggested that men’s and women’s risk perception is influenced by different rape myths and world assumptions. Specifically, women’s risk perception and victim blame are associated with sexual communication myths and beliefs in the randomness of the world, while men’s risk perception and victim blame are related to the acceptance of myths that women ask for sexual assault and that the world is a just, cruel place. The results call for the incorporation of additional training on how rape myths and world assumptions may impact risk recognition and intervention in sexual assault education. It will also be important to target different barriers to intervention for men and women.

2019 ◽  
Vol 42 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Annie Cossins

Two cases studies illustrate the paradox at the heart of the substantive law of sexual assault – that it is possible (i) for a woman who does not communicate her consent to be deemed to consent; and (ii) for a defendant to have a reasonable belief about a woman’s consent even though it is accepted that she did not consent, both of which undermine the concept of her sexual autonomy. In light of the research on rape myth acceptance (‘RMA’) which shows that RMA is one of the most consistent predictors of victim blame in sexual assault scenarios, this article discusses how sexual assault law reform in New South Wales in 2007, which introduced a ‘communicative’ model of consent, has been subsequently undermined by the decisions in two recent judge-alone trials. Options for reform are discussed in light of the community standards expected under a ‘communicative’ model of consent.


2017 ◽  
Vol 24 (9) ◽  
pp. 1052-1069 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mónica Romero-Sánchez ◽  
Barbara Krahé ◽  
Miguel Moya ◽  
Jesús L. Megías

Two studies analyzed the influence of victim behavior, drink type, and observer rape myth acceptance (RMA) on attributions of blame to victims of sexual assault. In Study 1, people higher in RMA blamed the victim more when she accepted rather than rejected the aggressor’s invitation to buy her a drink. In Study 2, we analyzed if the effects depended on who offered the invitation for a drink (a friend or aggressor). RMA was more closely related to victim blame when she accepted (vs. rejected) the offer of a drink from the aggressor. In both studies, drink type (alcoholic vs. nonalcoholic) did not interact with the other variables.


1994 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 133-164 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kimberly A. Lonsway ◽  
Louise F. Fitzgerald

Theories of sexual aggression and victimization have increasingly emphasized the role of rape myths in the perpetuation of sexual assault. Rape myths are attitudes and generally false beliefs about rape that are widely and persistently held, and that serve to deny and justify male sexual aggression against women. Acceptance of such myths has been assessed with a number of measures, and investigators have examined its relationship with numerous variables and interventions. Although there has been extensive research in this area, definitions, terminology, and measures of rape myth acceptance (RMA) continue to lack adequate theoretical and psychometric precision. Despite such criticisms, we emphasize that the significance of this type of research cannot be overstated because it has immense potential for the understanding of sexual assault. The present article offers a theory-based definition of rape myths, reviews and critiques the literature on rape myth acceptance, and suggests directions for future research. In particular we argue that such work must include the development and application of improved measures, with more concern for the theoretical and methodological issues unique to this field.


Sexual Abuse ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 107906322110262
Author(s):  
Annabelle Frazier ◽  
Joseph E. Gonzales

Sexual violence prevention on college campuses has received significant recent attention. A prevalent intervention paradigm has centered around re-educating young people around consent and reduce endorsement of “rape myths,” based on the correlation between rape myths and sexual violence incidents. Yet many of these programs have not measurably reduced sexual assaults. We evaluated the predictive value of a rape myth measure, as compared with other predictors (criminal history, childhood victimization, aggressive tendencies, substance use, and empathy), in predicting self-reported acts of forcible and incapacitated sexual assault in college-age men ( N = 304) from 45 U.S. states. Across three logistic regression model pairs, rape myths were weakly associated with violence when considered as sole predictors. However, this predictive power dissipated when other predictors were included. Comprehensive models accounted significantly better for variability in outcomes; with criminal history demonstrating consistent predictive effects. Based on these findings, we recommend further research into prevention programming based on other predictors of violence.


Sexual Abuse ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 107906322110281
Author(s):  
Mara Martini ◽  
Stefano Tartaglia ◽  
Norma De Piccoli

The study aimed to validate the Italian version of the Measure for Assessing Subtle Rape Myths developed by McMahon and Farmer. A sample of 3,915 university students (70.8% female) completed the questionnaire. After an exploratory factor analysis, a confirmatory factor analysis tested the resulting four-factor structure of the Italian Subtle Rape Myth Acceptance (SRMA-IT) Scale (“She Asked for It”; “He Didn’t Mean To”; “It Wasn’t Really Rape”; and “She Lied”), consistent with McMahon and Farmer’s initial hypothesis. The Italian validation did not include items related to intoxication. Internal consistency of the subscales was good (α from .78 to .90). Convergent validity between all subscales and System Justification–Gender was detected: A strong relationship was observed ( r is from .19 to .33; p < .001). The independent-sample T test then showed that women accepted all four rape myths significantly less than men: Effect size is more than moderate for the myth “She Asked for It” (Cohen’s d = .60) and between small and moderate for the other myths ( d is from .35 to .42). Acceptance of rape myths is often associated with higher men’s proclivity to rape and with tendency to raped women’s double victimization (they can be not believed or blamed when they disclose the rape). Having a validated instrument to measure rape myth acceptance can enhance empirical research on this topic and help to develop interventions of prevention both for men in the society and for the first responders to disclosures, also sustaining a culture of respect and of contrast to violence.


Author(s):  
Sierra Burrier

The project We Still Have Mutual Friends is a qualitative interview study into women’s experiences with sexualviolence. Through the interview process, mostly face-to-face recorded interviews, I have evaluated multiplefacets of sexual abuse/marginalization and their consequences on survivors. In total, I interviewed thirty-twowomen about their familial background, their adolescence, and depending on their age, their life experienceswith their sexuality. Some of the facets I have focused on are the disparity between a subject’s definition andtheir experience of sexual assault. I have also evaluated their self-awareness of this disparity, and why they thinkit occurs. I tried as much as I could, to ask questions in an order/way that did not create preferential answering.Because these interviews followed a standard oral history format of open-ended questions with follow-ups basedon the interviewee’s answers, instances of leading answers were possible. Seventeen out of thirty-two womenwere white, with the next largest group being Hispanic, and then Black. With ages ranging from eighteen upto fifty-eight, several generational voices are accounted for. While there were certain trends found within typesof assault, and who it was (trends not entirely new to us), one thing I discovered is a similar background everyperson shared with their family. All the women had at some point experienced some sort of “body policing.” Ihope this project has provided a more holistic view into the world of sexual violence that women face.


2020 ◽  
pp. 088626052091683
Author(s):  
Ashley K. Fansher ◽  
Sara B. Zedaker

An extensive amount of research has been devoted to understanding rape myths, especially in the context of sexual attitudes. Few studies have examined sexual actions as a correlate of rape myth acceptance (RMA). As such, this study utilizes the Updated Illinois Rape Myth Acceptance Scale (IRMA) and its four distinct subscales to examine adherence to rape myths and an individual’s view of sex and sexuality in a sample of 1,310 college students. The IRMA was included in its entirety and separated into its four subscales: “She asked for it,” “He didn’t mean to,” “It wasn’t really rape,” and “She lied.” Results indicated that the most impactful variables for all four subscales were adversarial heterosexual beliefs, stereotypical gender beliefs, and being male. The main implications of this study pertain to implementation of programming. Intervention programming should focus on younger males due to their increased adherence to certain rape myths. Furthermore, programs that address not only rape myths but also other traditional and negative belief systems should be employed. Results of this study lend support to the supposition that it is not necessarily individual characteristics that have a large effect on RMA but is instead a strong adherence to traditional belief systems.


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