Reading Small French Muslim political parties through the lens of Baldwin’s racial innocence

2021 ◽  
pp. 095715582110077
Author(s):  
Jennifer Fredette
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Lived Experiences ◽  
Dominant Group ◽  
Political Critique ◽  
Self Image

James Baldwin’s concept of racial innocence is, at its core, a tool for examining the process whereby a dominant group subjugates another while prominently, proudly maintaining an egalitarian self-image. Rather than merely point to the existence of such a seemingly untenable paradox, Baldwin uses his concept of racial innocence to interrogate how that paradox persists; how it is consciously and unconsciously maintained. In this paper, racial innocence is used to explain the process whereby Muslim political critique based on lived experiences of discrimination and marginalisation in France is rejected – and, specifically, rejected in a way that supposedly reinforces French norms of liberty, equality, and fraternity.

scholarly journals Co-Cultural Theory and Communication

Communication ◽  
2021 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Lived Experiences ◽  
Cultural Difference ◽  
Cultural Theory ◽  
The United States ◽  
Basic Question ◽  
Cultural Group ◽  
Cultural Groups ◽  
Dominant Group ◽  
Group Status ◽  
Group Members

Co-cultural communication theory, or co-cultural theory for short, emerged from the scholarly research of Mark Orbe in the 1990s. A co-cultural theoretical approach provides a lens to understand how traditionally underrepresented group members communicate within societal structures governed by cultural groups that have, over time, achieved dominant group status. The theory’s foundation was established by Orbe and colleagues by exploring the communicative lived experiences of underrepresented group members in the United States; the earliest work engaged the communication of co-cultural groups defined through race, ethnicity, gender, socioeconomic status, disability, and sexual orientation. The theory centralizes the lived experiences of co-cultural group members and focuses on instances when cultural difference is regarded as salient. At its core, co-cultural theory explores one basic question: How do co-cultural group members use communication to negotiate their cultural identities with others (both like and unlike themselves) in a societal context where they are traditionally marginalized? Through discovery-oriented qualitative research, six factors emerged (field of experience, abilities, perceived costs and rewards, communication approach, preferred outcome, and situational context) as central to the selection of specific co-cultural practices. Since its inception, co-cultural theory has been embraced as a core theory for individuals interested in studying the intersection of culture, power, and communication.

scholarly journals Urban sustainability and political parties: Eco-development in Stockholm and Amsterdam

2017 ◽  
Vol 36 (6) ◽  
pp. 1006-1026 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniël M Bossuyt ◽  
Federico Savini
Keyword(s):  
Sustainable Development ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Environmental Planning ◽  
Urban Sustainability ◽  
Electoral Politics ◽  
Planning Practice ◽  
Classic Work ◽  
Complex Combination ◽  
Political Critique

In environmental planning practice, political parties tend to be perceived as marginal, unimportant or even dysfunctional. Although urban politicians are increasingly important in the formulation of strong sustainable policies, there is little research that explicitly and empirically looks at the role of elected officials in shaping policies for urban sustainability. This paper scrutinizes the role of parties in formulating urban agendas of sustainable development and in triggering projects of eco-district development in Amsterdam and Stockholm. It does so in order to show how parties play a multiplicity of roles: they mobilize voters through differentiated agendas, they organize the translation of agendas into interventions and act as power holders in the formulation of sustainable urban policies. Combining a post-political framework and classic work on electoral politics, we show how this dynamic occurs in practice. We empirically illustrate that the behavior of parties resonates with the insights of a post-political critique but they do not behave linearly and homogeneously in the ‘policing’ process. They show a complex combination of mobilizing, politicizing and depoliticizing tactics. Political parties are relevant to eco-development and should be problematized within contemporary urban research.

The Group Theory of Parties: Identity Politics, Party Stereotypes, and Polarization in the 21st Century

The Forum ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-22 ◽  
Author(s):  
Douglas J. Ahler
Keyword(s):  
Group Theory ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Identity Politics ◽  
Donald Trump ◽  
Social Stereotypes ◽  
Self Image ◽  
Group Basis ◽  
Party Composition ◽  
Democrats And Republicans ◽  
American Party

Abstract An emerging narrative contends that 2016 was significant for bridging identity politics and American party conflict. This narrative misses a fundamental truth: for ordinary Americans, partisan identity has always been grounded in their orientations toward groups in society. The group theory of parties holds that citizens evaluate political parties according to their social stereotypes of Democrats and Republicans, ultimately identifying (or not) with a party that jives with their own self-image. In this essay, I review existing research and summarize several original studies suggesting that citizens’ beliefs about party composition affect their feelings toward Democrats and Republicans. Americans tend to hold shockingly erroneous beliefs about the degree to which stereotypical groups compose the parties – for example, that 38% of Republicans belong to the economic “1%” – and correcting social stereotypes about the out-party reduces polarization between rank-and-file party supporters. Most studies discussed in this essay were conducted before Donald Trump became a candidate, suggesting that 2016 was not the year that identity politics hijacked the parties, but rather the year in which the implicit group basis for mass partisanship became baldly explicit.

Policy Feedback and the Polarization of Interest Groups

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-26
Author(s):  
Leslie K. Finger ◽  
Sarah Reckhow
Keyword(s):  
School Choice ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Interest Groups ◽  
Private School ◽  
Policy Feedback ◽  
Policy Changes ◽  
Dominant Group ◽  
Electoral Mobilization ◽  
Education Groups ◽  
Over Time

Abstract We use the case of education interest groups to examine how and when policy changes lead interest groups to polarize in their support for political parties. Using over 145,000 campaign contributions from all 50 states from 2000 to 2017, we test whether the passage of private school choice, charter laws, and labor retrenchment policies led to the polarization of education interest groups over time. In 2000, teachers unions were the dominant group and mostly aligned with Democrats. Meanwhile, Republicans lacked support from any education groups. This pattern was consistent across states. Over time, coalitions in some states became polarized, meaning unions grew even more aligned with Democrats and reform groups with Republicans, while other states did not experience such polarization. We show that private school choice programs, but not labor retrenchment or charter laws, contributed to this changing partisan alignment. Our findings demonstrate that policy feedback can shape both the electoral mobilization and party alignments of interest groups.

scholarly journals Kaomu : Surviving Strategy Group Nobility the Community Structure Buton

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
La Ode Abdul Munafi
Keyword(s):  
Community Structure ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Social Order ◽  
Educational Institutions ◽  
Strategy Group ◽  
Dominant Group

This study aimed to understand the actions of our group in maintaining their traditional legitimacy as the dominant group in the structure of society Buton. Following the dissolution of the Sultanate of Buton 1960, the group was faced with the erosion of legitimacyI traditional status as a result of mobility between the layers in the structure of society. Realizing the potential for changes in social order, they perform strategic steps in order to maintain the legitimacy to their late-kaomu, through the preservation of reproductive indigenous discourse, educational institutions, political parties, and the revitalization of the Sultanate of Buton become customary institutions. Through various strategies that constructed this arena, the group kaomu trying reestablish their traditional legitimacy as the dominant group in the structure of society.

scholarly journals Analysis of Political Discourse in Pakistani Party Manifestos

2019 ◽  
Vol IV (II) ◽  
pp. 231-237
Author(s):  
Mehwish Malghani ◽  
Shabana Akhtar ◽  
Farhat Farooqi
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Critical Discourse Analysis ◽  
Political Discourse ◽  
Cognitive Model ◽  
Critical Discourse ◽  
The Political ◽  
Discursive Strategies ◽  
Party Manifestos ◽  
Self Image ◽  
Social Identity Approach

Political discourse is inarguably deemed an essential tool, impercetably influencing people’s perception within a socio-political zone. The present research revolve around the critical discourse analysis of manifestos of Pakistani political parties, pertaining to the general election of 2013. The theoretical framework for the study triangulates VanDijks (1998) Socio-Cognitive Model, along with the support of Turner and Tajfels (1979) Social identity approach and Budge and Farlies Salience theory (1983). The research revealed that all the political parties under study used the discursive strategies in their party manifestos in order to enhance the positive self-image of party to in-group people, by focusing the negative aspects of the out-group, thereby (re)constructing peoples political identities and ideologies and achieving the desired hegemony for itself.

Dynamics of American Political Parties

2009 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mark D. Brewer ◽  
Jeffrey M. Stonecash
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties
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