Spanish-Language Radio Advertisements and Latino Voter Turnout in the 2006 Congressional Elections

2010 ◽  
Vol 64 (3) ◽  
pp. 588-599 ◽  
Author(s):  
Costas Panagopoulos ◽  
Donald P. Green
1979 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 144-170 ◽  
Author(s):  
David F. Prindle

The purpose of this article is to add critical expansion and empirical correction to the thinking about critical elections in American history in general and the New Deal realignment in particular. There will be first a discussion of critical realignment theory, in which some of its ambiguities with regard to the relationship of voting turnout to realignment will be explored. Next, some propositions derived from this literature will be tested in an effort to correct the theory and eliminate the ambiguities. Aggregate data from presidential and congressional elections, 1912-1940, in Pennsylvania and Wisconsin, and the city of Pittsburgh, will be employed in this effort.In general, it will be argued that, when fluctuations in turnout are taken into account, the electoral changes preceding 1940 are at least as correctly described by the term “mobilization” as by the term “realignment.” Finally, some observations will be offered on the future of critical election theory.


The Forum ◽  
2012 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter L. Francia

Popular accounts of the labor movement often suggest that unions are in decline. While there have been sharp declines in union membership as a percentage of the workforce, this study presents evidence that organized labor’s influence in the U.S. elections remains significant. Using data from the American National Election Study and the National Election Pool, the results in this study demonstrate: (1) union households, despite drops in union membership as a percentage of the workforce, have remained a sizeable percentage of the U.S electorate, especially in regions outside of the South; (2) unions boost voter turnout, including among those from traditionally underrepresented demographics; and (3) unions continue to produce a strong Democratic vote in presidential and congressional elections, and boost the Democratic vote among middle-income whites – a critical “swing” constituency. In total, these results suggest that the future strength or weakness of the labor movement is likely to have significant implications for upcoming election outcomes, the party coalitions that ultimately form for future Democratic and Republican candidates, and how representative the electorate will be relative to the population in years to come.


1997 ◽  
Vol 50 (1) ◽  
pp. 199
Author(s):  
Stephen P. Nicholson ◽  
Ross A. Miller

1991 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 96-108 ◽  
Author(s):  
Priscilla L. Southwell

2014 ◽  
Vol 2 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alexander Ervin

After Latino-Americans demonstrated their power in the 2012 presidential election, securing increased minority support at the polls has become a major goal for both main U.S. political parties. A reliable bloc of Latino voters on one’s side could mean more wins, but Latinos have a low voter turnout rate. This paper explores how to increase Latino turnout and argues that the use of the Spanish language in electoral advertising will have a positive effect. By comparing statewide Latino turnout data during the 2002 midterm elections, I find states with a sizable amount of Spanish-language get-out-the-vote messages do see slightly increased rates of Latino voter turnout, suggesting Spanish-language advertising could be a useful supplemental tool in future political campaigns.


Author(s):  
Mark N. Franklin ◽  
Cees van der Eijk ◽  
Diana Evans ◽  
Michael Fotos ◽  
Wolfgang Hirczy de Mino ◽  
...  

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