Do Unions Still Matter in U.S. Elections? Assessing Labor's Political Power and Significance

The Forum ◽  
2012 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter L. Francia

Popular accounts of the labor movement often suggest that unions are in decline. While there have been sharp declines in union membership as a percentage of the workforce, this study presents evidence that organized labor’s influence in the U.S. elections remains significant. Using data from the American National Election Study and the National Election Pool, the results in this study demonstrate: (1) union households, despite drops in union membership as a percentage of the workforce, have remained a sizeable percentage of the U.S electorate, especially in regions outside of the South; (2) unions boost voter turnout, including among those from traditionally underrepresented demographics; and (3) unions continue to produce a strong Democratic vote in presidential and congressional elections, and boost the Democratic vote among middle-income whites – a critical “swing” constituency. In total, these results suggest that the future strength or weakness of the labor movement is likely to have significant implications for upcoming election outcomes, the party coalitions that ultimately form for future Democratic and Republican candidates, and how representative the electorate will be relative to the population in years to come.

Econometrica ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 87 (5) ◽  
pp. 1507-1541 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel Garcia-Macia ◽  
Chang-Tai Hsieh ◽  
Peter J. Klenow

Entrants and incumbents can create new products and displace the products of competitors. Incumbents can also improve their existing products. How much of aggregate productivity growth occurs through each of these channels? Using data from the U.S. Longitudinal Business Database on all nonfarm private businesses from 1983 to 2013, we arrive at three main conclusions: First, most growth appears to come from incumbents. We infer this from the modest employment share of entering firms (defined as those less than 5 years old). Second, most growth seems to occur through improvements of existing varieties rather than creation of brand new varieties. Third, own‐product improvements by incumbents appear to be more important than creative destruction. We infer this because the distribution of job creation and destruction has thinner tails than implied by a model with a dominant role for creative destruction.


Author(s):  
Ruth Milkman

This chapter examines the ways in which job segregation by gender is mirrored in the structure of organized labor, by analyzing patterns of union membership by gender, occupation, and industry in the early twenty-first century. It first looks at data on workforce feminization and segregation as well as evidence of women's view of organized labor and receptivity to unionism before comparing the composition of union membership to that of the U.S. labor force as a whole. It shows that there are two separate worlds of unionism, one male and one female, each with a distinctive culture and political orientation. Finally, it considers the fact that the labor movement is highly segmented along gender lines, along with its implications for understanding the dynamics of the relationship of women workers to unions in an era of labor movement decline.


1992 ◽  
Vol 86 (1) ◽  
pp. 55-69 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul R. Abramson ◽  
John H. Aldrich ◽  
Phil Paolino ◽  
David W. Rohde

Voters in multicandidate contests may confront circumstances under which it is in their interest to vote for a second- or even lower-ranked candidate. The U.S. electoral system, typically offering a choice between only two major contenders, rarely presents opportunities for this “sophisticated” voting. In presidential primaries, however, many plausible candidates may compete. We investigate the presence of sophisticated voting in the 1988 presidential primaries, using data from the National Election Study's Super Tuesday survey. We examine patterns of voting types based on ordinal measures of preferences among candidates and assessments of their chances of winning their party's nomination and estimate several models of choice, testing the multicandidate calculus of voting. Among both Republicans and Democrats, respondents' choices were consistent with the calculus of voting and thus with sophisticated voting.


2013 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 201-227 ◽  
Author(s):  
Norman Matloff

The two main reasons cited by the U.S. tech industry for hiring foreign workers--remedying labour shortages and hiring "the best and the brightest"--are investigated, using data on wages, patents, and R&D work, as well as previous research and industry statements. The analysis shows that the claims of shortage and outstanding talent are not supported by the data, even after excluding the Indian IT service firms. Instead, it is shown that the primary goals of employers in hiring  foreign workers are to reduce labour costs and to obtain "indentured" employees. Current immigration policy is causing an ‘Internal Brain Drain’ in STEM.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-21
Author(s):  
Kevin D. Benish

On May 18, 2020, the United States Supreme Court denied a request by the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela and its state-owned oil company, Petróleos de Venezuela, S.A. (PDVSA), to review the merits of Crystallex Int'l Corp. v. Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela, a decision by the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Third Circuit. In Crystallex, the Third Circuit affirmed a trial court's determination that PDVSA is the “alter ego” of Venezuela itself, thus permitting Crystallex to enforce a $1.4 billion judgment against Venezuela by attaching property held in PDVSA's name. Given the Supreme Court's decision to leave the Third Circuit's opinion undisturbed, Crystallex is a significant decision that may affect parties involved in transnational litigation for years to come—especially those pursuing or defending against U.S. enforcement proceedings involving the property of foreign states.


Author(s):  
MAX SCHAUB

How does poverty influence political participation? This question has interested political scientists since the early days of the discipline, but providing a definitive answer has proved difficult. This article focuses on one central aspect of poverty—the experience of acute financial hardship, lasting a few days at a time. Drawing on classic models of political engagement and novel theoretical insights, I argue that by inducing stress, social isolation, and feelings of alienation, acute financial hardship has immediate negative effects on political participation. Inference relies on a natural experiment afforded by the sequence of bank working days that causes short-term financial difficulties for the poor. Using data from three million individuals, personal interviews, and 1,100 elections in Germany, I demonstrate that acute financial hardship reduces both turnout intentions and actual turnout. The results imply that the financial status of the poor on election day can have important consequences for their political representation.


Contexts ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 19 (4) ◽  
pp. 92-94
Author(s):  
Jennifer Reich
Keyword(s):  
To Come ◽  

“Though small, the recent protests we've seen across the U.S. signal what is likely to come as governments grapple with how to move forward, particularly if a vaccine against SARS-CoV-2, the virus causing the pandemic becomes available.”


2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 100-115
Author(s):  
Kate Fischer ◽  
Malika Rakhmonova ◽  
Mike Tran

Abstract Since the spring of 2020 SARS-CoV-2, the novel coronavirus, has upended lives and caused a rethinking of nearly all social behaviors in the United States. This paper examines the ways in which the pandemic, shutdown, and gradual move towards “normal” have laid bare and obfuscated societal pressures regarding running out of time as it pertains to the residential university experience. Promised by movies, television, and older siblings and friends as a limited-time offer, the “typical” college experience is baked into the U.S. imaginary, reinforcing a host of notions of who “belongs” on campus along lines of race, class, and age. Fed a vision of what their whole lives “should be”, students who enter a residential four-year college are already imbued with a nostalgia for what is yet to come, hailed, in Althusser’s (2006[1977]) sense, as university subjects even before their first class. The upheaval of that subjecthood during the pandemic has raised important questions about the purpose of the college experience as well as how to belong to a place that is no longer there.


2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (Supplement_1) ◽  
pp. 515-516
Author(s):  
Nekehia Quashie ◽  
Christine Mair ◽  
Radoslaw Antczak ◽  
Bruno Arpino

Abstract Childless older adults may be at risk for poorer health cross-nationally, yet most studies on this topic analyze only a small number of countries and only 1 or 2 health outcomes. To our knowledge, two papers exist that explore associations between childlessness and multiple indicators of health using data from a large number of regionally diverse countries (e.g., 20 countries from North America, Asia, and Europe), but neither study includes an examination of socioeconomic resources. The level of health risk faced by childless older adults is likely to be distinctly shaped by older adults’ socioeconomic resources (e.g., education, income, wealth). Associations between childlessness, socioeconomic resources, and health may also differ by country context. Using harmonized, cross-national data for adults aged 50 and older across 20 high- and middle-income countries (United States (HRS), European Union (SHARE), Mexico (MHAS), and China (CHARLS) from the Gateway to Global Aging data repository), we explore if and how individual-level socioeconomic resources (income, education, wealth) moderate associations between childlessness and five health indicators (self-rated health, ADL limitations, IADL limitations, chronic conditions, and depression). Results suggest that associations between childlessness and health outcomes vary by individual socioeconomic resources in some country contexts, but not in others. We discuss these findings in light of the impact of individual-level socioeconomic resources on older adults’ support options and health outcomes cross-nationally.


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