scholarly journals ¿Más Español por Más Votos? Assessing the Impact of Spanish Language Electoral Advertisements on Latino Voter Turnout

2014 ◽  
Vol 2 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alexander Ervin

After Latino-Americans demonstrated their power in the 2012 presidential election, securing increased minority support at the polls has become a major goal for both main U.S. political parties. A reliable bloc of Latino voters on one’s side could mean more wins, but Latinos have a low voter turnout rate. This paper explores how to increase Latino turnout and argues that the use of the Spanish language in electoral advertising will have a positive effect. By comparing statewide Latino turnout data during the 2002 midterm elections, I find states with a sizable amount of Spanish-language get-out-the-vote messages do see slightly increased rates of Latino voter turnout, suggesting Spanish-language advertising could be a useful supplemental tool in future political campaigns.

Author(s):  
Ramona McNeal ◽  
Lisa Dotterweich Bryan

The Internet has been incorporated into political campaigns for a number of purposes including making direct appeals to citizens through the Internet to vote, volunteer their time or donate money. An important question is can the Internet be utilized to increase voter turnout? The Internet has been found to hold the most promise in increasing turnout when it is used to facilitate get-out-the-vote (GOTV) drives. The purpose of this article is to determine what the impact of including smartphones into a GOTV effort may have on voter turnout. To explore this question, voter turnout strategies were examined for the 2008 and 2012 U.S. presidential elections. The findings suggest that when smartphones are used as part of a mobilizing effort, they can help increase voter turnout. Nevertheless the findings also suggest that whether these GOTV drives increase turnout is dependent on which voters are targeted by mobilizing activities.


Author(s):  
Jan E. Leighley ◽  
Jonathan Nagler

This chapter introduces the theoretical framework that guides the analyses and discussions of the determinants of voter turnout. It adopts a model of turnout that poses an individual's decision to vote as a reflection of the costs and benefits of engaging in such behavior. Then, for each presidential election year since 1972, it estimates turnout as a function of demographic characteristics of interest. These estimates allow us to estimate the impact of one demographic characteristic (such as income) on turnout while holding other demographic characteristics (such as education and race) constant. These estimates are referred to as “conditional” relationships. The findings suggest that the conditional relationships between education and turnout, and income and turnout (i.e., conditional income bias) have been relatively stable (or modestly reduced) since 1972. Important changes in the conditional relationships between age, race, gender, and turnout have also been observed.


2020 ◽  
pp. 51-68
Author(s):  
Michael Ritter

Chapter 4 evaluates the impact of convenience voting laws (in-person early voting, no-excuse absentee/mail voting, and same day registration) and election administration on individual-level voter turnout change from the 2010 to 2014 midterm elections and the 2008 to 2012 presidential elections using lagged panel models. Results show that non-voters are more likely to become voters when living in states with absentee/mail voting, in-person early voting, same day registration, and high-quality election administration, controlling for other factors. Same day registration is the most important of the three in both midterm and presidential elections, while early voting and absentee/mail voting have the largest effects in midterm elections.


Significance Albeit expected, that defeat has widened divisions within its centre-left coalition and between the administration and its political parties. The election results put the centre-right opposition in the pole position to win the next presidential election in November 2017. Impacts The impact of the election outcome on the mood in government parties far exceeds the actual size of their defeat. High abstention is a criticism of both main coalitions and suggests potentially fertile ground for populism. Without consistent support from its own parties, it will be difficult for the government to pass promised reforms.


2016 ◽  
Vol 13 (4) ◽  
pp. 868
Author(s):  
Suryo Gilang Romadlon

Coalition can be the effective way to collect the power for struggle in the competitive politics. In Indonesia, after the reform era, the coalition system being the most popular system that granted by the constitution. Phrase ”coalition of political parties” in the article number 6A point (2) UUD 1945 shows us that the coalition system is the constitutional and the fix way. From all the historical story about the coalition of political parties in Indonesia, we can make a conclusion that the coalition system wich is exist in Indonesia is just coalition made by interest, not ideology. Coalition only to reach the “threshold”. Political parties only thinking about how to complete the mission to propose the candidate. Surely, That’s all the problem. We can see that the coalition system in Indonesia just make some paradox. For example, in presidential election 2014, in one hand we can see the batle between “KMP” and “KIH”, but in the other hand, we cand find a different situation in local politic competition. On 9 December 2015, The simultaneous regional election was completed held, and I saw that the battle between KMP and KIH wasn’t happened in that moment. Based on the fact from KPU, we can find in some region, the inconsistence coalition was built by the political parties which is member of KMP join with member of KIH. That condition shows us that the coalition system in Indonesia is just based on interest. There is no linear/consistence coalition between central and local, so automatically we can find a question, “where is the platform, vision and mission of political party in Indonesia? And How about the impact to the bureaucratic system between central and local government?. Finally, The Author is trying to answer the questions in this paper.


This paper presents the analysis of the increasing use of Social Media and its participation during the electoral voting in India with context to Punjab. Besides that, to understand the meaning and impact of especially Facebook on elections, we take survey results collected from different people in Punjab and Facebook data related to different political parties. There are numerous challenges when it comes to engaging people during political campaigns. The current findings in literature show us that previous efforts to involve public participation with prior media tools did not meet the full expectations. With Social Media’s indulgence this could change, because engagementof people seems to be the major concept that explains the difference between the impact of old media and ‘new’ Social Media. The survey explains that Social Media seemed to significantly influence voting behavior during the last general elections (2014). And, during the elections (2019) too, politicians with higher Social Media engagement are expecting relatively more votes within most political parties and banking upon Facebook practices. To conclude, we hereby propose a future research framework which studies how political parties take benefit from Facebook to contrive and convalesce the methodologies they follow with their party members, volunteers and general public.


2020 ◽  
pp. 69-90
Author(s):  
Michael Ritter

Inequality in who votes matters. People with lower incomes are significantly less likely to participate in elections, creating a class bias in the electorate. Even if overall voter participation improves, can accessible elections shrink turnout inequality between higher and lower socio-economic class citizens? Chapter 5 empirically evaluates whether the voting laws and election administration lead to an increased probability of poor individuals (proxied as those at or below the federal poverty line) voting when comparing 2010 to 2014 midterm election turnout, and 2008 to 2012 presidential election turnout. The results show that no-excuse absentee/mail voting (in midterm elections) and same day registration (in both presidential and midterm elections) increases voter turnout among the economically disadvantaged. Better election administration also leads to improved outcomes for lower socio-economic citizens.


Author(s):  
Jan E. Leighley ◽  
Jonathan Nagler

This introductory chapter sets out the book's purpose, which is to examine voter turnout in every U.S. presidential election from 1972 through 2008 in order to address four questions regarding the changing political context of turnout. First, how have the demographics of turnout in presidential elections changed or remained the same since 1972? Second, what have been the consequences of the broad set of election reforms designed to make registration or voting easier that have been adopted over the past several decades? Third, what is the impact of the policy choices that candidates offer voters on who votes? And fourth, is the conclusion—of the now classic study of voter turnout in the United States by Wolfinger and Rosenstone (1980)—that voters are representative of nonvoters on policy issues accurate, and therefore, who votes does not really matter? The findings on these four questions advance our understanding of turnout and its consequences for representation in fundamental ways.


2018 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 216-235 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ľubomír Zvada

Abstract This paper focuses on the migration crisis from the perspective of Slovakia while examining the impact of the crisis on the last parliamentary elections in 2016. The migration/refugee crisis that started in 2015 played a significant role during the pre-electoral discourse and political campaigns. This paper has two main goals. The primarily goal is to apply the theory of securitization as proposed by the Copenhagen Peace Research Institute on the case study of Slovakia, and the secondary goal is to analyze the 2016 Slovak general elections. In here, I describe the securitization processes, actors, and other components of the case. Subsequently, I focus on a key element of this theory that is linked to the speech act. I evaluate Islamophobia manifestations in speech act and political manifesto of Slovak political parties. My source base includes the rhetoric of nationalist political parties such as Direction-SD (Smer-SD), Slovak National Party (Slovenská národná strana), We Are Family-Boris Kollár (Sme Rodina-Boris Kollár), and Kotleba-People’ Party Our Slovakia (Kotleba-Ľudová strana Naše Slovensko), all of which often apply anti-Muslim and anti-Islam rhetoric.


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