The “Not-So-Genial” Conspiracy: The New York Times and Six Presidential “Honeymoons,” 1953–1993

1995 ◽  
Vol 72 (4) ◽  
pp. 841-850 ◽  
Author(s):  
William J. Hughes

Scholars and political actors generally believe that presidents enjoy a period of sanguine rapport with the press gallery during a honeymoon of about two months at the beginning of each new administration. The honeymoon is characterized by a minimum of hostile questions by reporters and relatively gentle media treatment of the new president. However, this content analysis of front-page headlines in the New York Times during the first 100 days of the Eisenhower, Kennedy, Nixon, Carter, Reagan, and Clinton administrations suggests that all honeymoons are not equal.

sjesr ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (3) ◽  
pp. 238-245
Author(s):  
Shazia Hashmat ◽  
Dr. Bakht Rawan

This study explores the role of leading newspapers of both America and Pakistan on the war-on-terror (WoT). The comparative framing analysis of the WoT in the selected newspapers Dawn (Pakistan) and The New York Times (USA) was carried out. Content analysis in which Categorization Scheme was used with predefined categories that were made on the basis of Framing theory. Five different news frames are deduced by Semetko and Valkenburg (2000) i.e. attribution of responsibility, human interest, conflict, morality, and economics were looked at in the selected newspapers. The coverage and framing of USA’s press related to the war on terror were dominated by regional foreign politics especially the framing of Pakistan and its role in the war on terror. The mean length of the news stories in The New York Times (USA) was significantly more than Dawn. The New York Times (USA) carried a more negative tone than Dawn (Pakistan). Frames used in Dawn (Pakistan) and The New York Times (USA) did not have a statistically significant difference. The conflict frame was used more than any other frame in the coverage of WoT in both the newspapers. This study revealed that the coverage trend of media reporting on WoT in the press of both Pakistan and USA. Also how frames in the press used are subjective to the internal politics of country in order to receive a sense of legitimacy and support.


2021 ◽  
pp. 073953292110135
Author(s):  
Kirstie Hettinga ◽  
Elizabeth Smith

The New York Times “streamlined” its editing process in 2017 and reduced the editing staff by nearly half. Through content analysis on corrections (N = 1,149), this research examines the effects of these cuts. Analysis revealed the Times published more corrections before the changes, but that corrections appeared more quickly after the original error occurred and there were more corrections for content in the A section following the staffing cuts. The A section includes national and international news and thus often contains political content, which is rife for heightened scrutiny in an age of media distrust. Practical and theoretical implications are discussed.


2020 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Lawrence J. Trautman

In November 2018, The New York Times ran a front-page story describing how Facebook concealed knowledge and disclosure of Russian-linked activity and exploitation resulting in Kremlin led disruption of the 2016 and 2018 U.S. elections, through the use of global hate campaigns and propaganda warfare. By mid-December 2018, it became clear that the Russian efforts leading up to the 2016 U.S. elections were much more extensive than previously thought. Two studies conducted for the United States Senate Select Committee on Intelligence (SSCI), by: (1) Oxford University’s Computational Propaganda Project and Graphika; and (2) New Knowledge, provide considerable new information and analysis about the Russian Internet Research Agency (IRA) influence operations targeting American citizens.By early 2019 it became apparent that a number of influential and successful high growth social media platforms had been used by nation states for propaganda purposes. Over two years earlier, Russia was called out by the U.S. intelligence community for their meddling with the 2016 American presidential elections. The extent to which prominent social media platforms have been used, either willingly or without their knowledge, by foreign powers continues to be investigated as this Article goes to press. Reporting by The New York Times suggests that it wasn’t until the Facebook board meeting held September 6, 2017 that board audit committee chairman, Erskin Bowles, became aware of Facebook’s internal awareness of the extent to which Russian operatives had utilized the Facebook and Instagram platforms for influence campaigns in the United States. As this Article goes to press, the degree to which the allure of advertising revenues blinded Facebook to their complicit role in offering the highest bidder access to Facebook users is not yet fully known. This Article can not be a complete chapter in the corporate governance challenge of managing, monitoring, and oversight of individual privacy issues and content integrity on prominent social media platforms. The full extent of Facebook’s experience is just now becoming known, with new revelations yet to come. All interested parties: Facebook users; shareholders; the board of directors at Facebook; government regulatory agencies such as the Federal Trade Commission (FTC) and Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC); and Congress must now figure out what has transpired and what to do about it. These and other revelations have resulted in a crisis for Facebook. American democracy has been and continues to be under attack. This article contributes to the literature by providing background and an account of what is known to date and posits recommendations for corrective action.


2020 ◽  
pp. 1-21
Author(s):  
Craig Greenham

In a 2004 autobiography, legendary player Pete Rose confessed to gambling on baseball games, even those that included his Cincinnati Reds. The passage of time has clarified much about the betting scandal that plagued Major League Baseball (MLB) in 1989. Over the course of the six-month saga, Rose’s denials and his adversarial relationship with the Commissioner’s Office shrouded MLB’s investigation in controversy. This study explores the press coverage of the scandal in 1989 and determines that the Cincinnati press was more sympathetic to, and supportive of Rose than out-of-market coverage, represented in this investigation by The New York Times. These findings are consistent with previous research that indicates that local media favors hometown institutions during times of crisis. This study expands that theory by demonstrating that favoritism extends to individual players whose connection to the city is significant, and furthers our understanding of the media’s role in shaping the narratives of scandal.


2019 ◽  
Vol 40 (4) ◽  
pp. 504-516
Author(s):  
David Bockino

Building on research into media representation of countries and agenda-setting theory, a content analysis analyzed the way Colombia was portrayed in The New York Times headlines and IMDb plot summaries during 1980 to 2013. This unusual longitudinal study compares the representation of Colombia to other South American countries. Among other conclusions, this study finds that over the 34-year period the word “drug” was included in a New York Times headline with the word “Colombia” more times than any other word with any other South American country.


1988 ◽  
Vol 9 (3) ◽  
pp. 1-9 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul Martin Lester

Mug shots from five U.S. newspapers: USA Today, Chicago Tribune, New Orleans Times-Picayune, New York Times and the Los Angeles Times, were analyzed for the same five-day work week of each month for 1986. The 300 front pages yielded 520 head shots of 1,148 photographs. USA Today and newspapers with its similar graphic style use more mug shots without an accompanying article on the front page than more traditionally designed newspapers.


2016 ◽  
Vol 1 (4) ◽  
pp. 467-480
Author(s):  
Xiaoqun Zhang

This study assessed the media visibility, a composite measure of attention and prominence, of China’s President Xi Jinping’s first 3-year governance in The New York Times. The assessment was based on the content analysis of 317 news articles focusing on Chinese President. Qualitative content analysis was used to identify three major frames, 12 mid-level frames, and 18 sub-frames. Quantitative content analysis was used to measure the attention, prominence, and the combination of these two parameters of these frames. The findings showed that The New York Times employed multiple frames to report Chinese President, and the two frames with the highest media visibility are (Domestic) Campaigns and Strategies and China-United States (relations), rather than Human Rights.


2018 ◽  
Vol 7 (3) ◽  
pp. 337-360 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bryan E. Denham

When it publishes a major investigative report or exposé, a prominent news organization can transfer the salience of both an issue and its attributes to other news outlets. Major investigations can also affect how reporters in the same outlet think about an issue in the news. The present study examines intramedia and intermedia agenda-setting effects in the context of sport, drawing on allegations of a state-sponsored doping program in Russian athletics. In May 2016, Dr. Grigory Rodchenkov, a former doping official in Russia, described the program to reporters at the New York Times, and the ensuing front-page story impacted coverage both internally and externally. The current study considers the implications of these effects for sports journalism and individual athletes.


2014 ◽  
Vol 34 (2) ◽  
pp. 207-235 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jiso Yoon ◽  
Amber E. Boydstun

AbstractWhat determines which political actors dominate a country’s news? Understanding the forces that shape political actors’ news coverage matters, because these actors can influence which problems and alternatives receive a nation’s public and policy attention. Across free-press nations, the degree of media attention actors receive is rarely proportional to their degree of participation in the policymaking process. Yet, the nature of this “mis”-representation varies by country. We argue that journalistic operating procedures – namely, journalists’ incentive-driven relationships with government officials – help explain cross-national variance in actors’ media representation relative to policymaking participation. We examine two free-press countries with dramatically different journalistic procedures: United States and Korea. For each, we compare actors’ policymaking participation to news coverage (using all 2008New York TimesandHankyoreh Dailyfront-page stories). Although exhibiting greater general discrepancy between actors’ policymaking and media representation, diverse actors are over-represented in United States news; in Korea, governmental actors are dominant.


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