China’s rise, the USA and global order: Contested perspectives and an alternative approach

2016 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 177-194
Author(s):  
Mohammed Nuruzzaman
2021 ◽  
Vol VI (I) ◽  
pp. 281-286
Author(s):  
Pervaiz Ali Mahesar ◽  
Ali Khan Ghumro ◽  
Iftikhar Ali

This article reviews China's rise in the context of Status Quo or Power Transition in international society. A growing power strives to gain its power, prestige, and position among the comity of nations. A rising power can be a rival, or it supports the status quo of global governance. This review showed that there is no power transition in the global order whereas, Beijing is willing to engage or cooperate with the USA and existing institutions to keep the status quo of the power. China is not in a hasty mood to replace the American global order, but it will continue to push softly for multipolarity.


2021 ◽  
Vol ahead-of-print (ahead-of-print) ◽  
Author(s):  
Satish Kolluri ◽  
Joseph Tse-Hei Lee

Purpose Taking an inter-Asian perspective on the perception of China’s rise and power shifts in Asia, this reflection draws on the examples of Hong Kong’s years-long pro-democracy movement, Taiwan’s democratization and India’s anti-China sentiments to discuss the growth of domestic and international discontents against China’s projection of sharp power, even military power, along its peripheries. The severity of these crises suggests that an assertive China has trapped itself in a perpetual cycle of intensifying authoritarian rule at home and seeking expansionary outreach abroad. China’s diplomatic and military adventurism is likely to antagonize potential allies, jeopardizing the hope for inter-Asian solidarity and cooperation. Design/methodology/approach The authors consult relevant secondary literature to contextualize the perception of China’s rise to domination from an inter-Asian perspective. Findings Following the end of the Cold War in 1990 and the demise of the Soviet Union as a Eurasian empire, some cultural theorists proposed a postcolonial, inter-Asian perspective to de-globalize the Euro-American-dominated humanities and social sciences, recognizing that many areas once deemed by the West as marginal and peripheral had contributed to the transformation of the modern world. The nineteenth-century Western imperialists and early twentieth-century Japanese militarists once deployed the geopolitical concept of “Asia” to advance their respective discourses of modernity and progress. Thus, the very notion of Asian solidarity or Pan-Asianism is deeply problematic because it reminds us of the entwined histories of colonial oppression and resistance against imperialistic intrusions. Research limitations/implications The conventional “inter-Asian” perspective that emphasizes relational connectedness across and within nations does not seem applicable to explaining the troublesome relationship between American universalism and China-centric authoritarianism. Practical implications In today’s multipolar world, the USA and China are embroiled in a competitive relationship regarding the shape the global order should take. The recent US-China trade war is only the opening shot in the wider bilateral conflict. Behind this contest for global leadership in economic influence and technology is a serious battle of ideas. Social implications China is still coming to terms with many unexpected consequences of globalization. Steady recovery gave China a temporary reprieve but the overall economy has weakened due to many years of trade disputes with the USA and the COVID-19 pandemic. China has yet to find a way to coexist with a fast-developing India, address the genuine grievances and demands for democratic change in Hong Kong and accommodate a stronger pro-independence force in Taiwan. To revive the vision of inter-Asian solidarity, China should build trust at home and abroad and reimagine institutional mechanisms for conflict resolution. Otherwise, it would trap itself in endless cycles of tensions and conflicts that benefit no one. Originality/value The rapid rise of China to power in the Eurasian continent and Asian waters has not only distorted the inter-Asian vision of seeking unity among postcolonial states but also accelerated competitions for territorial resources and regional dominance. By reflecting on the latest interventions of China in geopolitical affairs, this paper shows that despite the rhetorical appeal of horizontality, the engagement of many emerging Asian powers has diverged from the ideal of inter-Asian cooperation. The task for scholars is to gain a more accurate understanding of the fluid situations on the ground.


2021 ◽  
pp. 113-119
Author(s):  
Mykola Kapitonenko

The article examines manifestations of China’s rise and the attendant risks for the international security system. The author draws on a set of key approaches to measuring state power in his analysis of China’s hard and soft power as well as its structural capabilities. It has been demonstrated that China is closing the gap on the USA on key power indicators – the economic capabilities and military resources. However, a number of factors are slowing down its progress. With regard to the structural power, soft power and potential to engage allies the USA continues to hold significant advantages. China’s hegemonic aspirations bring about considerable structural transformations into international politics and impact international security. Redistribution of power and influence would reconfigure alliances, and impose new limitations on the actions and expectations of states. The rise of China and growing tensions between China and the USA would cause a complex and large-scale impact on the security of not only those two states, but the rest of the world as well. At both global and bilateral levels, security institutions and structures will undergo changes. The rise of bipolarity will escalate the standoff. The USA and China may become hostages to Thucydides Trap, whereby steps to maximize one’s security will lead to a greater threat – and eventually to a devastating conflict – as the other party will also try to reciprocate. China's rise may also pose a security dilemma for potential allies of both countries, weaken international institutions of cooperation and security, and engender a deep crisis of confidence. Scenarios of how the system of international security could respond are examined from the perspective of a security dilemma, power transition theory, and hegemonic stability theory. While both theories view the situation as challenging, they differ in their analysis of the sources and scale of risks.


Author(s):  
Andrea Kendall-Taylor ◽  
Natasha Lindstaedt ◽  
Erica Frantz

The future of democracy 292 Implications of an authoritarian resurgence for the global order 297 Key themes of the book 300 This book has covered a large body of research on democracy, autocracy, and democratization within the context of contemporary global dynamics. One of the key messages to emerge is that democracy is under threat. Mounting problems within a number of long-lived democracies—many of which we have discussed in this book—have raised questions about democracy’s future. Concurrently, we appear to be returning to a period of intense ideological competition between democracy and authoritarianism. China’s rise is challenging Western hegemony and many now see Beijing as an increasingly viable alternative to the democratic West. As the strategic competition between democracies and authoritarian powers like China and Russia has intensified, levels of democracy across the globe have plateaued and possibly declined....


2021 ◽  
Vol ahead-of-print (ahead-of-print) ◽  
Author(s):  
Romi Jain ◽  
Joseph Tse-Hei Lee

Purpose This introductory essay historicizes the evolution of China’s geopolitical strategy from the Maoist era (1949–1976) to the present. It examines the Chinese strategic thinking in four spatial settings: Eurasia, maritime Southeast Asia, the Indian subcontinent and the wider Indo-Pacific region. The Chinese strategic concerns are comparable across these regions, but the ability to pursue security interests is contingent on many circumstantial factors. This study refers to some snapshots of the ongoing regional disputes to discuss the continuities and breakpoints in China’s strategic outreach in a multipolar world. Design/methodology/approach This study draws on the scholarly literature and policy papers to examine the interrelated forces that shape China’s rise to regional dominance: how Beijing has co-opted a series of global and regional crises for its rise to domination; how China, the USA and neighbouring countries have adjusted and adapted to a new changing international order; and how major powers in littoral and maritime Asia respond to an increasingly assertive Chinese state. Findings This study documents the combination of smart, soft and sharp power that China has deployed, since the global financial crisis of 2008, to enforce its dominance against the USA across the Pacific Rim and Eurasia. It argues that General Secretary of the Chinese Communist PartyXi Jinping initially launched the Belt and Road Initiative to respond to former US President Barak Obama’s policy of rebalancing Asia, and he has expanded these expansionary projects to counter US President Donald Trump’s “America First” doctrine, thereby asserting Chinese influence abroad and tightening control against discontented populations at home. Research limitations/implications Many Western policy analysts are wondering whether a rising China will be a “status quo” state or a revisionist state that attempts to challenge the existing world order. The lack of clarification from Beijing has prompted Washington to shift from a longstanding strategy of diplomatic engagement to that of geostrategic containment to balance against China. Originality/value The strategic goals of China in the early 21st century pertain to security reassurance, access to energy resources and national image building. Since the global financial crisis of 2008, China has become immensely confident of its own socio-economic accomplishments and scornful of what it perceives as an American conspiracy to undermine its rise to power. Following in the footsteps of the USA in the post-Second World War era, Japan in the 1980s and Taiwan in the 1990s, Beijing has used international commercial activities and business contracts to achieve specific political, strategic and diplomatic objectives.


2013 ◽  
Vol 11 (3) ◽  
pp. 888-889
Author(s):  
Edward S. Steinfeld

While Charles Kupchan and I share common aspirations for a more flexible and inclusive global order, we clearly differ in our understanding of contemporary China. This difference is about far more than facts. Rather, it reflects a fundamental disagreement about the nature and identification of sociopolitical change itself.


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