Beyond the “Great Man” narrative: scandals, cumulative reforms and the trajectory of anti-corruption efforts in colonial Hong Kong before MacLehose years

Purpose This paper aims to uncover the trajectory of the anti-corruption effort of the Hong Kong colonial Government by identifying its general approach of denial in the pre-War years. It highlights the path-dependence nature, as well as the path-creation logic of the policy process of anti-corruption reform and the anxiety of the colonial administration in maintaining trust of the local population in the post-War years. These insights should enhance the general understanding of the nature of colonial governance. Design/methodology/approach This paper is primarily based on archival materials available at the British National Archives and Hong Kong Public Records Office. Findings The paper intends to go before the “Great Man narrative” in explaining the success of the anti-corruption effort in colonial Hong Kong. Whilst the colonial government was fully aware of the endemic of corruption and the substantial involvement of European officers, she was still cocooned with the misguided belief that the core of the administration was mostly “incorruptible”. The Air Raid Precaution Department scandal in 1941 was, however, a powerful wake-up that rendered the denial and self-illusion no longer defensible. The policy ideas of the 1940s did shape the Prevention of Corruption Ordinance 1948 and other related reforms, yet they were not immediately translated into fundamental changes in the institutional set-up of the anti-graft campaign. The limitations of these half-hearted measures were fully exposed in the coming decades. The cumulative effects of the piecemeal anti-graft efforts of the colonial government over the first century of rule, however, did path the way for the “revolutionary” changes in the 1970s under Murray MacLehose. Originality/value This is a highly original piece based on under-explored archival materials. The findings should have a major contribution to the scholarship on the nature of colonial governance and the history of anti-corruption efforts of Hong Kong.

Family engagement in the home-based learning mode: an enlarging divide in education

Purpose This paper aims to provide an overview of the development periods of home-based learning in Hong Kong during the COVID-19 pandemic, then discusses the differences in how the more affluent and well-educated middle-class parents and the economically and culturally disadvantaged working-class parents have dealt with the challenges of this new learning mode in their children’s education. Design/methodology/approach This research mainly adopted the qualitative research method, and used data from multiple sources, including online and offline participant observations, informal interviews and second-hand official reports. Findings The preliminary findings suggest that due to the closure of the formal schooling system, the impact of unequal family resources – such as tangible economic investment and intangible cultural and social support – on students’ academic performance has been exposed, thus reinforcing the pre-existing inequality between different social classes. Research limitations/implications The findings of this paper are primarily based on preliminary observations and informal interviews, and it needs more systematic studies, both qualitative and quantitative, are needed to provide further empirical evidence to demonstrate the impacts of digital, housing and knowledge divide between the middle- and working-class families on students’ academic performance. Originality/value The paper presents new empirical data concerning the class mechanisms underlying home-based learning during the class suspension in Hong Kong. It shows that home-based learning in this challenging time has exposed the existing inequality in education.

Who gets the rights to newsgathering? Media credentialing and press freedom in Hong Kong, Taiwan and Malaysia

Purpose Against the background of the 2019 anti-extradition bill protests, this paper aims to examine the legal-political negotiations over equal press rights in Hong Kong, focusing specifically on “the rights to newsgathering” – the rights of all journalistic actors to get access to certain places and events to collect first-hand news information, such as on the streets, during protests and in government events. Design/methodology/approach This paper adopts a comparative approach to the question of equal press rights by comparing Hong Kong’s situations with those of Taiwan and Malaysia. Drawing upon secondary sources such as existing studies and news archives, this paper attempts to delineate the legal-political negotiations over equal press rights in the three places in the past two decades. Findings This paper finds that in Hong Kong, there are signs of increasing suppression of press rights amidst the city’s authoritarian backlash in recent years. While the Hong Kong Government was willing to broaden the rights of online independent media a few years back, it has started to tighten its control over them after the 2019 anti-extradition bill protests. Without a constitutional guarantee of equal press rights, it remains to be seen how the online independent media would fare in the future, especially after the introduction of the national security law. Originality/value While Hong Kong is home to a variety of non-mainstream media, the issue of their press status has remained largely unrecognized by the public. This paper pays attention to this understudied yet important issue.

Making the local and the decentralized governable: a study of the implementation of the Chinese Temples Ordinance

Purpose This paper aims at illustrating how the local and the decentralized temple management bodies were made governable and governed through law. Design/methodology/approach This paper examines the implementation of Chinese Temples Ordinances (the Ordinance) and the activities of the Chinese Temples Committee (the Committee) in Hong Kong during colonial times by analyzing official archival records from 1920s to 1970s. Findings This paper delineates how the local and decentralized temple management bodies were made governable under the Ordinance. The Ordinance and the Committee translated Chinese temples into financial resources for Chinese charity activities managed by the elite merchant class. Chinese temples were also sometimes translated as obstacles for land development. Though there existed different representations of Chinese temples in practices, the Committee and related officials provided legal reasons under the same legal framework suggested by the Ordinance. Originality/value This paper suggests that folk religion as a research topic is not only relevant to studies of religious doctrine, belief and ritual performances. A study of the history of temple management bodies is also highly relevant to the study of colonial governance in Hong Kong. It adds value to the discussion on the trajectory of the development of local communities.

Sharing towards cohesive community: the role of social capital in sharing economy

Purpose Whilst the majority of academic studies have focused on the for-profit business-to-consumer type of sharing economy, the community-based peer-to-peer sharing economy is under-studied, particularly the role of social capital, which is essential to sharing behaviours. This paper aims to unravel the role of social capital in developing sharing communities, particularly as to how sharing can establish social capital and community building in community-based sharing economy projects. Design/methodology/approach This paper adopted a case study approach by selecting a local project in Hong Kong, which aims at achieving sharing community. A total of 10 in-depth interviews of major stakeholders were conducted, including founders, active and inactive members to explore how social capital is developed and its impacts on sharing community. Findings The research finding showed that social capital plays an important role in structural dimensions, on social ties building, cognitive and relational dimension facilitates and motivates sharing behaviour and trust, which are essential in building up a sharing community and in developing a sharing economy in Hong Kong. Originality/value This paper contributes to the current theoretical and empirical discussion that supplements the current study of the community-based sharing economy, from the perspective of social capital, in exploring how a sharing community can be developed.

Conceptualizing China’s spatial lockdown during the COVID-19 pandemic: a neo-liberal society or a pre-liberal one?

Purpose The draconian measures to lock down communities and cities in China during the COVID-19 pandemic are unprecedented in human history. First the mega-city of Wuhan, then the province of Hubei, and eventually the whole nation of China, were shut down, surveilled and governed in a way that was identical to the 17th century plague-stricken European town re-portrayed and analyzed by Foucault. Instead of categorizing China’s COVID-19-triggered spatial and social governance as an ad hoc and hence abnormal disciplinary mechanism, this essay argues that the spatial lockdown and social control in China during the COVID-19 pandemic express the long existing and well-established governance model of China: that of a pre-liberal disciplinary society. Design/methodology/approach A disciplinary society using “the meticulous exercise of the right of the sword” with neither liberal values nor liberal practices, China’s swift re-configuration into a pre-liberal disciplined society during the COVID-19 pandemic invalidates a neo-liberal reading of the Chinese governance. Furthermore, the radical spatial and social control measures not only expose the fundamentally illiberal nature of the Chinese governance but also suggest its institutional dependence on its Leninist nomenklatura system. Findings With this institutional dependence, draconian spatial and social control measures are likely to be continuously carried on in China after the COVID-19 crisis, albeit in a less brutal manner. Originality/value It offers a conceptual and theoretical framework to understand China's socio-spatial governance.

The rise of China's geointellect?

Purpose A qualitative development is discernible in China’s pursuit of global influence in knowledge following the launch of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). China has embarked on expanding the frontiers of its higher education and research enterprise in different geographies, a subset of its global power project. This paper employs the geointellect concept to analyze this phenomenon. Design/methodology/approach The paper applies the geointellect model, formed inductively, to illuminate China’s geographical expanse in higher education and research. Findings The BRI has provided a platform for China to shape the educational architecture of the participating countries, apart from receiving a boost in its prestige by leading educational alliances and opening overseas research centres. In quantitative terms, it has made progress in specific knowledge metrics. Nevertheless, certain challenges and limitations need to be overcome. Research limitations/implications The role of a foreign policy in boosting a country’s knowledge profile has been identified. Future research directions have been provided in using the geointellect model. Practical implications This study provides a direction to evaluate the implications of China’s foreign policy for its knowledge segment, especially in terms of capturing its leading prowess in higher education and research. Originality/value It contributes a conceptual model to capture the different facets of China’s geointellect, with foreign policy, geography, higher education, and research being its constituents.

“Key challenges facing the rule of law in Hong Kong”

Purpose This paper aims to highlight key challenges to the rule of law in Hong Kong. Design/methodology/approach This study deploys a historical and legal approach to explore the key challenges to the rule of law in Hong Kong. In particular, this paper analyzes legal conflicts in Hong Kong. Findings The findings show how the rule of law in Hong Kong has become a prominent battlefield of a constitutional struggle between Hong Kong Law and Chinese Law. Originality/value This paper hypothesizes that the conflicts arise from the different interpretations and conceptualizations of the rule of law between China and Hong Kong.

Geopolitical implications of China’s rise in Asia

Purpose This introductory essay historicizes the evolution of China’s geopolitical strategy from the Maoist era (1949–1976) to the present. It examines the Chinese strategic thinking in four spatial settings: Eurasia, maritime Southeast Asia, the Indian subcontinent and the wider Indo-Pacific region. The Chinese strategic concerns are comparable across these regions, but the ability to pursue security interests is contingent on many circumstantial factors. This study refers to some snapshots of the ongoing regional disputes to discuss the continuities and breakpoints in China’s strategic outreach in a multipolar world. Design/methodology/approach This study draws on the scholarly literature and policy papers to examine the interrelated forces that shape China’s rise to regional dominance: how Beijing has co-opted a series of global and regional crises for its rise to domination; how China, the USA and neighbouring countries have adjusted and adapted to a new changing international order; and how major powers in littoral and maritime Asia respond to an increasingly assertive Chinese state. Findings This study documents the combination of smart, soft and sharp power that China has deployed, since the global financial crisis of 2008, to enforce its dominance against the USA across the Pacific Rim and Eurasia. It argues that General Secretary of the Chinese Communist PartyXi Jinping initially launched the Belt and Road Initiative to respond to former US President Barak Obama’s policy of rebalancing Asia, and he has expanded these expansionary projects to counter US President Donald Trump’s “America First” doctrine, thereby asserting Chinese influence abroad and tightening control against discontented populations at home. Research limitations/implications Many Western policy analysts are wondering whether a rising China will be a “status quo” state or a revisionist state that attempts to challenge the existing world order. The lack of clarification from Beijing has prompted Washington to shift from a longstanding strategy of diplomatic engagement to that of geostrategic containment to balance against China. Originality/value The strategic goals of China in the early 21st century pertain to security reassurance, access to energy resources and national image building. Since the global financial crisis of 2008, China has become immensely confident of its own socio-economic accomplishments and scornful of what it perceives as an American conspiracy to undermine its rise to power. Following in the footsteps of the USA in the post-Second World War era, Japan in the 1980s and Taiwan in the 1990s, Beijing has used international commercial activities and business contracts to achieve specific political, strategic and diplomatic objectives.

Taiwan makes itself a COVID-19 safe zone without draconian measures: lessons and caveats

Purpose The coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) pandemic has helped Taiwan gain widespread recognition and commendation. Taiwan's low infection rate is praiseworthy not merely because it was once considered a high-risk region but because it has weathered the COVID-19 storm without resorting to draconian measures. The purpose of this paper is thus an effort to understand and explain how Taiwan has been able to achieve a fine balance between disease containment and everyday life. Design/methodology/approach According to the COVID-19 Government Response Event Dataset, Taiwan’s actions focus mainly on the management of health resource allocation, external border restrictions, quarantine of high-risk cases and the establishment of a centralized crisis task force. On this basis, the authors highlight and discuss the critical factors for Taiwan’s success against COVID-19. Caveats are also detailed to caution some aspects of the lessons to be drawn from it. Findings Setting clear goals, effective leadership, active community participation and innovative solutions are four pillars of Taiwan’s success against COVID-19. The island believes that once stringent border controls are strictly executed, virus-free citizens can relax inside. However, those who would like to learn from Taiwan’s experience should be mindful of the likelihood of asymptomatic spread of the disease as well as the unique geographical and social characteristics that contribute to Taiwan’s approach to COVID-19. Originality/value The authors’ analysis of Taiwan adds anecdotes to the scholarly discussion on public health emergency management, suggesting that anti-COVID-19 policy would get its intended outcomes only if government leaders and community stakeholders collaborate to set clear goals ahead and implement them with innovative solutions.