Insurgent Intimacies

2020 ◽  
Vol 2020 (136) ◽  
pp. 98-110
Author(s):  
Chelsea Schields
Keyword(s):  
The Netherlands ◽  
The United States ◽  
Sexual Revolution ◽  
Cuban Revolution ◽  
Black Power Movement ◽  
Netherlands Antilles ◽  
The Us ◽  
Ability To Regenerate ◽  
1960S And 1970S ◽  
The 1960S

Abstract This article examines the intertwined arguments for sexual revolution and decolonization in the Dutch Atlantic in the 1960s and 1970s. In this period, Antillean activists in the Netherlands and the Netherlands Antilles celebrated aspects of the Cuban Revolution and the US Black Power movement for their purported ability to regenerate romantic love. Activists contended that socialism and antiracist activism could forge new bonds of erotic equality to explode the ongoing effects of colonialism, slavery, and the regimes of sexual violence that maintained both. Considering the centrality of sexual politics to Antillean radical imaginaries, this article argues that Antilleans viewed sexual liberation as a primary rather than ancillary component of self-determination. Illuminating the Atlantic currents that informed Antillean arguments for insurgent forms of intimacy—from revolutionary Cuba to black struggle in the United States—this article reconceives of both the substance and geography of the sexual revolution.

Transformation in Jamaica, Grenada, and Haiti

Freedom Roots ◽  
2019 ◽  
pp. 281-318
Author(s):  
Laurent Dubois ◽  
Richard Lee Turits
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Twentieth Century ◽  
The United States ◽  
Cuban Revolution ◽  
State And Society ◽  
English Speaking ◽  
The Caribbean ◽  
Popular Classes ◽  
1960S And 1970S ◽  
The 1960S

In the last decades of the twentieth century, the Caribbean saw multiple and dramatic political efforts to transform state and society. New governments sought to embrace popular classes as equal members of society as almost never before and to create unprecedented forms of equality, both economically and culturally. This chapter explores three such attempts at transformation: Jamaica under Michael Manley, Maurice Bishop and the Grenada Revolution, and Jean-Bertrand Aristide’s first government in Haiti. Unlike the Cuban Revolution, these leaders excited expectations for change within still mostly capitalist economies. Manley and Aristide led democratic governments, while Grenada sustained one-party rule. The outcomes of reform efforts in these three nations varied from enduring progress to poignant tragedy. The chapter explores the powerful challenges these new Caribbean governments faced, domestic and foreign, economic and political. It shows how after the English-speaking Caribbean gained independence in the 1960s and 1970s, their trajectories began to overlap with that of the older independent Caribbean, as national sovereignty made them suddenly more vulnerable to the region’s predominant twentieth-century empire, the United States.

US Vicarious Identity with Israel, 1967–2020

2021 ◽  
pp. 89-120
Author(s):  
Christopher S. Browning ◽  
Pertti Joenniemi ◽  
Brent J. Steele
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Baby Boomer ◽  
The United States ◽  
Positive Identity ◽  
The Us ◽  
Formative Experience ◽  
Six Day War ◽  
1960S And 1970S ◽  
The 1960S

The chapter explores the United States’ vicarious identification with Israel, arguing that since the 1967 Six-Day War, Israel has served as a positive identity proxy. Two features of Israeli military might have proven attractive for the United States’ vicarious identification with it: its preemptive military actions and its resounding military successes. Using generational analysis the chapter surmises that the increased connections made to Israel in the 1990s and 2000s by the United States are a result of the US Baby Boomer generation’s admiration of Israel as heroic, right, and assertive and where this image served as a formative experience for that generation at the same time as the United States was at its military, moral, and cultural nadir in Vietnam amid the broader tumult of the 1960s and 1970s. This generational take may also explain the increased tensions between the two countries and even the unraveling of the United States’ vicarious identification with Israel hereafter.

The United States and the Global Economic Blockade of Cuba: A Study in Political Pressures on America's Allies

1984 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 25-48 ◽  
Author(s):  
Morris H. Morley
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
The United States ◽  
Cuban Revolution ◽  
Economic Competition ◽  
Empirical Basis ◽  
Political Relationships ◽  
1960S And 1970S ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
Political Objective ◽  
Target Country

AbstractThe aim of this study is to provide an empirical basis for theories about political coalitions formed to apply economic sanctions against a target country. An excellent example is the economic blockade of Cuba by the United States, during which successive Republican and Democratic administrations have pursued economic measures to achieve a political objective. This study investigates the degree of cooperation and cleavage among Washington's capitalist-bloc allies with this effort to establish multilateral economic pressures against the Cuban Revolution. The analysis suggests that, despite the growth of economic competition during the 1960s and 1970s, such strains were not reflected at the level of political relationships.

scholarly journals Postindustrial Elite and Non-Elite Insecurities

2010 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 61-75
Author(s):  
John Higley
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Great Britain ◽  
The Netherlands ◽  
Socioeconomic Development ◽  
The United States ◽  
Service Work ◽  
Western Countries ◽  
The 1950S ◽  
1960S And 1970S ◽  
The 1960S

A society becomes postindustrial when 40 percent of its workforce is employed in bureaucratic and service work, a proportion that increases quite rapidly to 70-75, even 80 percent (cf. Bell 1999, xv). By the 1950s the composition of workforces in the United States, Great Britain, the Netherlands, Denmark, Sweden, and Canada had reached the 40 percent threshold to postindustrial conditions, and during the succeeding two or three decades virtually all other Western countries, plus Japan, crossed it. Quite unforeseen by nearly all observers at the time, non-elites in the first postindustrial societies began to divide into two loose interest and attitude camps during the 1960s and 1970s. The camps’ boundaries were not contiguous with those of the classes and strata that derived from the agricultural, manual industrial, and non-manual workforce components so prominent during historical socioeconomic development.

scholarly journals Visions of Aztlán: The Chicano Documentary Film

2020 ◽  
pp. 113-131
Author(s):  
David R. Maciel ◽  
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Civil Rights ◽  
Documentary Film ◽  
The United States ◽  
Chicano Movement ◽  
Artistic Value ◽  
Spanish Speaking ◽  
The Us ◽  
1960S And 1970S ◽  
The 1960S

In the decade of the 1960s and 1970s, a trascendental social movement –which was known as the Chicano Movement for Civil Rights– took place in the United States. One of its major achievements was a cultural flowering that encompassed all the art forms and practices. Among them, one of single importance is the documentary film. This article presents an overview of the origins, first steps and current developments of the Chicana/o documentary cinema. Such films address a multitude of topics and combine highly artistic value with a definite political message. In addition, the Chicana/o documentary is an outstanding and highly informative mirror into Chicano experience. Since its inception to the present, over 100 documentaries have been produced and exhibited in the US, yet they have not been well-distributed in the Spanish-speaking world.

scholarly journals Applied Anthropology in Juridical Grey Spaces

2019 ◽  
Vol 26 (2) ◽  
pp. 1-8
Author(s):  
Amanda J. Reinke
Keyword(s):  
The United States ◽  
Applied Anthropology ◽  
Legal Anthropology ◽  
Social Critique ◽  
Informal Justice ◽  
Ethnographic Fieldwork ◽  
The Us ◽  
1960S And 1970S ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
Formal Justice

Informal justice refers to those legal practices that are traditionally outside the purview of formal law and legal systems. Since the advent of widespread social critique in the United States during the 1960s and 1970s, informal justice models have become increasingly popular and implemented in communities and within the legal system itself. The existence of informal justice mechanisms alongside and within formal justice systems in the US raises a number of questions for applied anthropologists interested in legal anthropology. In this article, I leverage four years of ethnographic fieldwork in the US to argue for the capacity of applied anthropologists to effectively work in grey juridical spaces that are beside and between the law, activism, and emerging bureaucratic regimes.

Freedom of speech: A recent history of political t-shirts in the United States

2019 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 179-198 ◽  
Author(s):  
Heather Marie Akou
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Vietnam War ◽  
The United States ◽  
Recent History ◽  
The Us ◽  
Campaign Activity ◽  
History Of ◽  
1960S And 1970S ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
Definition Of

Since their invention in the 1930s, t-shirts have become one of the most common styles of casual clothing in the United States ‐ worn by all ages, genders and social classes. Although ‘graphic’ t-shirts have existed for decades, twenty-first-century technologies have made them much faster and easier to produce. Students protesting the Vietnam War in the 1960s and 1970s wore black armbands and grew their hair long; today, students (and activists of all ages) are more likely to wear political t-shirts. In a time when anyone with modest computer skills can design a graphic and get t-shirts professionally printed and shipped in just two or three days, this medium for self- and group-expression is well-suited to the turbulence of politics. This article explores the recent history of political t-shirts in the United States in two parts. The first focuses on legislation and legal rulings, including a case heard by the US Supreme Court in 2018 regarding whether activists can wear political t-shirts in polling places (a space where any kind of campaign activity is generally forbidden). The second part explores the definition of a ‘political’ t-shirt. This section is grounded in a study of t-shirts that are currently turning up in thrift shops in Bloomington, IN ‐ a small, politically active community in a conservative state that voted for Obama in 2008 and then Trump in 2016.

Organic agriculture in the United States: A 30-year retrospective

2013 ◽  
Vol 28 (4) ◽  
pp. 294-328 ◽  
Author(s):  
Garth Youngberg ◽  
Suzanne P. DeMuth
Keyword(s):  
Sustainable Agriculture ◽  
Organic Farming ◽  
Organic Agriculture ◽  
Agricultural Research ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Us ◽  
The Future ◽  
1960S And 1970S ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
The Impact

AbstractSince the early 1980s organic agriculture has undergone enormous growth and innovation in the US and throughout the world. Some observers have pointed to the US Department of Agriculture's 1980Report and Recommendations on Organic Farmingas having provided the catalyst for many of these developments. It is important, however, to understand how the evolving character of organic ideology during the 1960s and 1970s helped lay the foundation for moving organic agriculture onto the US governmental agenda in the early 1980s. We explore these and other contextual factors surrounding the USDA Report's release, including its methods, findings and recommendations, and both positive and negative reactions, as well as those factors that led to the Report's declining influence by the decade's end. The need for agricultural sustainability has played an important role in shaping, not only the path of organic agriculture in the US but also the overall politics of American agriculture. Legislative efforts to support organic agriculture have evolved along with this altered policy environment and are considered here within the broader context of the politics of sustainable agriculture. Next, we consider the organic industry's transition from a privately managed enterprise to the pivotal role now played by the federal government in the administration of the National Organic Program. Calls to move ‘beyond organic’ are also examined. Finally, we explore the impact of sustainable agriculture, agricultural research and farm structure upon the future of organic agriculture in the US. The politics within these three interrelated domains of public agricultural policy will likely bear heavily upon the future of organic farming and the organic industry as a whole.

scholarly journals Palliative Care in Advanced Dementia: Comparison of Strategies in Three Countries

Geriatrics ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 44
Author(s):  
Shelley A. Sternberg ◽  
Shiri Shinan-Altman ◽  
Ladislav Volicer ◽  
David J. Casarett ◽  
Jenny T. van der Steen
Keyword(s):  
Palliative Care ◽  
The Netherlands ◽  
Hospice Care ◽  
The United States ◽  
Artificial Nutrition ◽  
Advanced Dementia ◽  
Case Scenario ◽  
Artificial Nutrition And Hydration ◽  
Positive Elements ◽  
The Us

Palliative care including hospice care is appropriate for advanced dementia, but policy initiatives and implementation have lagged, while treatment may vary. We compare care for people with advanced dementia in the United States (US), the Netherlands, and Israel. We conducted a narrative literature review and expert physician consultation around a case scenario focusing on three domains in the care of people with advanced dementia: (1) place of residence, (2) access to palliative care, and (3) treatment. We found that most people with advanced dementia live in nursing homes in the US and the Netherlands, and in the community in Israel. Access to specialist palliative and hospice care is improving in the US but is limited in the Netherlands and Israel. The two data sources consistently showed that treatment varies considerably between countries with, for example, artificial nutrition and hydration differing by state in the US, strongly discouraged in the Netherlands, and widely used in Israel. We conclude that care in each country has positive elements: hospice availability in the US, the general palliative approach in the Netherlands, and home care in Israel. National Dementia Plans should include policy regarding palliative care, and public and professional awareness must be increased.

scholarly journals Dirty tricks on the underground press

1981 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 47-50
Author(s):  
Geoffrey Rips
Keyword(s):  
Vietnam War ◽  
The United States ◽  
Freedom Of Information ◽  
Underground Press ◽  
General Terms ◽  
The Us ◽  
Psychedelic Drugs ◽  
Us Constitution ◽  
The Vietnam War ◽  
The 1960S

What was known in the United States as the ‘underground press’ – self-published newspapers of the youth counterculture sold at street corners and around campuses in American cities during the 1960s and early 70 s – was once a significant network estimated at over 400 publications. Their hallmark was opposition to US involvement in the Vietnam War, criticism of the authorities, of uncontrolled technology and big business, advocacy of sexual freedom and artistic experimentation and, frequently, the advocacy of marijuana, LSD and other psychedelic drugs. Few of these publications have survived the past ten years, and their disappearance has been variously attributed to the cooling of radical interest after the American withdrawal from Vietnam, as well as to the vague and shifting nature of the ‘hippie’ scene. Complaints by their publishers during the early and mid-seventies that printers refused their business, that office rents suddenly doubled, that advertising was cancelled, that papers were lost – these were seen as local accidents and were rarely reported by the established media. Claims of official or officially-sanctioned harassment were dismissed – even by fellow radicals – as paranoid. Recent research by Geoffrey Rips of the PEN American Center has revealed the extent and variety of official pressure exerted against alternative publications during the Vietnam War period. Using evidence from government hearings like the Church Committee, which reported in 1976, actual FBI documents released to American PEN under the Freedom of Information Act, and other sources, Mr Rips argues that such harassment contributed materially to the closure of certain publications and in general terms constituted a gross infringement on the protection afforded to dissenting opinion and to a free press under the US constitution. We publish edited extracts here from Geoffrey Rips' report which will be published in full by the PEN American Center and the City Lights Press.

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