Organic agriculture in the United States: A 30-year retrospective

2013 ◽  
Vol 28 (4) ◽  
pp. 294-328 ◽  
Author(s):  
Garth Youngberg ◽  
Suzanne P. DeMuth
Keyword(s):  
Sustainable Agriculture ◽  
Organic Farming ◽  
Organic Agriculture ◽  
Agricultural Research ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Us ◽  
The Future ◽  
1960S And 1970S ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
The Impact

AbstractSince the early 1980s organic agriculture has undergone enormous growth and innovation in the US and throughout the world. Some observers have pointed to the US Department of Agriculture's 1980Report and Recommendations on Organic Farmingas having provided the catalyst for many of these developments. It is important, however, to understand how the evolving character of organic ideology during the 1960s and 1970s helped lay the foundation for moving organic agriculture onto the US governmental agenda in the early 1980s. We explore these and other contextual factors surrounding the USDA Report's release, including its methods, findings and recommendations, and both positive and negative reactions, as well as those factors that led to the Report's declining influence by the decade's end. The need for agricultural sustainability has played an important role in shaping, not only the path of organic agriculture in the US but also the overall politics of American agriculture. Legislative efforts to support organic agriculture have evolved along with this altered policy environment and are considered here within the broader context of the politics of sustainable agriculture. Next, we consider the organic industry's transition from a privately managed enterprise to the pivotal role now played by the federal government in the administration of the National Organic Program. Calls to move ‘beyond organic’ are also examined. Finally, we explore the impact of sustainable agriculture, agricultural research and farm structure upon the future of organic agriculture in the US. The politics within these three interrelated domains of public agricultural policy will likely bear heavily upon the future of organic farming and the organic industry as a whole.

Western Europe and the collapse of Bretton Woods

2019 ◽  
Vol 74 (2) ◽  
pp. 282-300
Author(s):  
Michael De Groot
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Western Europe ◽  
Domestic Politics ◽  
The United States ◽  
Rate System ◽  
Bretton Woods ◽  
The Us ◽  
Exchange Rate System ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
The Impact

This article contends that Western Europe played a crucial and overlooked role in the collapse of Bretton Woods. Most scholars highlight the role of the United States, focusing on the impact of US balance of payments deficits, Washington’s inability to manage inflation, the weakness of the US dollar, and American domestic politics. Drawing on archival research in Britain, Germany, the Netherlands, and the United States, this article argues that Western European decisions to float their currencies at various points from 1969 to 1973 undermined the fixed exchange rate system. The British, Dutch, and West Germans opted to float their currencies as a means of protecting against imported inflation or protecting their reserve assets, but each float reinforced speculators’ expectations that governments would break from their fixed parities. The acceleration of financial globalization and the expansion of the Euromarkets in the 1960s made Bretton Woods increasingly difficult to defend.

Design as aesthetic education: On the politics and aesthetics of learning environments

2020 ◽  
Vol 33 (1) ◽  
pp. 175-187
Author(s):  
Christina Vagt
Keyword(s):  
Learning Environments ◽  
The United States ◽  
Media History ◽  
Political Aesthetics ◽  
1960S And 1970S ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
The Individual ◽  
Political Technology ◽  
Design Of Learning Environments ◽  
The Impact

The article, speaking from the double perspective of media history and political aesthetics, discusses the impact of behaviourism and early computer technology on the design of learning environments in the United States after the Second World War. By revisiting B. F. Skinner’s approaches to behavioural techniques and cultural engineering, and by showing how these principles were applied first at US design departments, and later to prison education, it argues that cybernetic and behavioural techniques merged in the common field of design and education. Behavioural design of the 1960s and 1970s furthered the cybernetic dream of total control over the world by addressing the learning environment rather than the individual, and operated within a space of possibility that was governed equally by technology and aesthetics. Behavioural design can therefore be understood as a political technology.

The Impact of State Television on Voter Turnout

2016 ◽  
Vol 49 (1) ◽  
pp. 257-278 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rune J. Sørensen
Keyword(s):  
Voter Turnout ◽  
The United States ◽  
Causal Effects ◽  
Individual Level ◽  
Level Data ◽  
1960S And 1970S ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
New Tv ◽  
Election Studies ◽  
The Impact

In an influential study, Matthew Gentzkow found that the introduction of TV in the United States caused a major drop in voter turnout. In contrast, the current analysis shows that public broadcasting TV can increase political participation. Detailed data on the rollout of television in Norway in the 1960s and 1970s are combined with municipality-level data on voter turnout over a period of four decades. The date of access to TV signals was mostly a side effect of geography, a feature that is used to identify causal effects. Additional analyses exploit individual-level panel data from three successive election studies. The new TV medium instantly became a major source of political information. It triggered political interest and caused a modest, but statistically significant, increase in voter turnout.

scholarly journals SIGNIFICANCE OF COOPERATION FOR THE DEVELOPMENT OF ORGANIC AGRICULTURE

2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 27-32
Author(s):  
Olha Alieksieieva
Keyword(s):  
Organic Farming ◽  
Organic Agriculture ◽  
Production Efficiency ◽  
Negative Impact ◽  
The United States ◽  
Organic Production ◽  
Conventional Agriculture ◽  
Cooperative Movement ◽  
Analysis And Synthesis ◽  
The Impact

The purpose of the article is to study the impact of the basic principles and benefits of the development of cooperative movement on the development of organic agricultural production, as well as to determine the role of cooperation in the development of organic entrepreneurship. Methodology. The author has used the methods of analysis and synthesis, the method of statistical grouping and comparison, induction and deduction, structural and functional approach to solve the problems and achieve the goals. The study is based on the comparative analysis and synthesis of scientific literature. Results. Organic food is increasing in popularity. The growing demand is mainly attributable to consumer concerns about negative implications of conventional agriculture for human health and the environment. Organic agriculture has a great potential to neutralize a negative impact of agricultural intensification on the environment. The article describes the concept and analyzes the current state of cooperation in agriculture. It is found that during the period under the research, the number of registered cooperatives has increased by almost 45%. The concepts of organic agriculture and organic production are clarified. The dynamics of agricultural lands engaged in organic production and the number of certified organic farms in Ukraine are studied. It is indicated that the consumption of organic products in Ukraine is much lower than in the European countries and the United States. The advantages of introducing a cooperative movement in the field of organic agriculture are identified. Being part of a cooperative helps small farms to be able to produce enough to generate profits and ensure their substance, which is an opportunity to compete with larger companies. Risks arising in the process of establishing organic cooperatives are outlined considering the international experience. It is concluded that efficient organic farming cooperatives can support local and export markets, stimulate production efficiency and promote local logistics. Practical implications. The advantages of consolidation of enterprises and entrepreneurs in the field of organic agriculture on the basis of cooperation can be used for the development of state programs to support the cooperative movement in organic farming. Value/originality. Views on the organization of production, processing and logistics activities of organic agricultural producers through the introduction of cooperatives have been expanded.

scholarly journals THE NATIONAL ORGANIZATION FOR WOMEN AND THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY IN REAGAN'S AMERICA

2020 ◽  
pp. 1-23
Author(s):  
JOE J. RYAN-HUME
Keyword(s):  
Republican Party ◽  
Democratic Party ◽  
The United States ◽  
National Organization ◽  
National Organization For Women ◽  
1960S And 1970S ◽  
Demographic Shifts ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
Reagan Era ◽  
The Impact

Abstract This article explores the emergence of women in the United States as a liberal voting group in the 1980s and the impact of this development on the power of liberalism, amid the Reagan revolution – an era often viewed as the apogee of conservatism. As the Republican party shifted in a more conservative direction in the 1980s, gender started to correlate with partisan preference/election outcomes in enough contests to give credence to the belief that women were becoming a decidedly liberal voting bloc. Contemporaneously, the equality-seeking movements of the 1960s and 1970s began institutionalizing their operations and exploiting these demographic shifts, becoming more entrenched than ever within the internal politics of the Democratic party. The National Organization for Women (NOW), the largest liberal women's group, proved to be particularly successful in this respect. Therefore, by presenting substantial archival evidence that liberal politicians and organizations remained a dynamic political force during the 1980s, this article details the growing organizational prowess of NOW and examines how liberals resisted the conservative challenge to fashion a political approach suited to the ‘Reagan Era’.

scholarly journals Charles Boxer and the Race Equivoque 1

2012 ◽  
Author(s):  
JOÃO DE PINA-CABRAL
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Race Relations ◽  
The United States ◽  
Cross Cultural ◽  
The World ◽  
Colonial Empire ◽  
History Of ◽  
1960S And 1970S ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
The Impact

Charles Boxer's Race Relations in the Portuguese Colonial Empire, 1415–1825, which came out nearly half a century ago, has found a readership beyond the circle of those interested in the history of Portuguese overseas expansion. Boxer was perfectly conscious, as he produced it, of the impact his essay would have. He found in the discourse of race an instrument of mediation that allowed him to continue to develop his favoured topics of research in the United States in the 1960s and 1970s. The response to Boxer's book points to the highly charged atmosphere that continues to surround all debates concerning ‘race’ and, in particular, those that compare North American notions of race with those that can be observed elsewhere in the world. This chapter attempts to shed new light on what caused such a longstanding cross-cultural misinterpretation.

scholarly journals Populism in Latin America

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kirk Hawkins
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Latin America ◽  
18Th Century ◽  
The United States ◽  
Regional Study ◽  
Late 18Th Century ◽  
The Us ◽  
Foundational Work ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
The Impact

Donald Trump’s victory in the US 2016 presidential election awakened many US scholars to the existence of populism. However, the study of populism is old news for political scientists in Latin America and other regions. Since at least the 1960s, scholars in these regions have dealt with key conceptual, methodological, and theoretical issues in the study of populism, covering instances of populism that have appeared since the inception of liberal, representative democracy in the late 18th century. This wealth of scholarship is an aid to mainstream scholars in the United States and other wealthy democracies as they grapple with the impact of populist forces, providing them with tools for measuring populism and for studying its causes and consequences. However, there are also lessons for scholars in regions that have studied populism much longer. This is especially true for Latin America. Senior Latin Americanists who engage with populism have a tendency to rely on older approaches and methods that have not withstood empirical tests in other regions. Some researchers are unaware that comparative, cross-regional scholarship has arrived at a rough consensus about the nature of populist ideas, and that the cross-regional study of populist discourse has moved beyond the anti-positivist bent of some early work. Thus, this bibliography walks a fine line between highlighting the foundational work of earlier scholars, particularly those studying Latin America, while introducing current Latin Americanists to the work being done outside the region. A concluding section highlights the unique scholarly contributions to the study of populism in the United States, contributions that provide an important touchstone to Latin Americanists, not to mention mainstream scholars in the United States.

US Vicarious Identity with Israel, 1967–2020

2021 ◽  
pp. 89-120
Author(s):  
Christopher S. Browning ◽  
Pertti Joenniemi ◽  
Brent J. Steele
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Baby Boomer ◽  
The United States ◽  
Positive Identity ◽  
The Us ◽  
Formative Experience ◽  
Six Day War ◽  
1960S And 1970S ◽  
The 1960S

The chapter explores the United States’ vicarious identification with Israel, arguing that since the 1967 Six-Day War, Israel has served as a positive identity proxy. Two features of Israeli military might have proven attractive for the United States’ vicarious identification with it: its preemptive military actions and its resounding military successes. Using generational analysis the chapter surmises that the increased connections made to Israel in the 1990s and 2000s by the United States are a result of the US Baby Boomer generation’s admiration of Israel as heroic, right, and assertive and where this image served as a formative experience for that generation at the same time as the United States was at its military, moral, and cultural nadir in Vietnam amid the broader tumult of the 1960s and 1970s. This generational take may also explain the increased tensions between the two countries and even the unraveling of the United States’ vicarious identification with Israel hereafter.

The Chicano Movement in the New America

2018 ◽  
pp. 125-147
Author(s):  
Mario T. García
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Civil Rights ◽  
21St Century ◽  
The United States ◽  
Mexican Descent ◽  
Chicano Movement ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
The Future ◽  
1960S And 1970S ◽  
The 1960S

The Chicano movement was the largest and most widespread civil rights and empowerment movement by people of Mexican descent in the United States. As part of the 1960s and 1970s social movements, the movement made Chicanos and other Latinos national political actors and laid the foundation for contemporary Latino political power in the 21st century. It assured that the old America would no longer survive. Chicanos and other minorities were the future and still are the future.

Insurgent Intimacies

2020 ◽  
Vol 2020 (136) ◽  
pp. 98-110
Author(s):  
Chelsea Schields
Keyword(s):  
The Netherlands ◽  
The United States ◽  
Sexual Revolution ◽  
Cuban Revolution ◽  
Black Power Movement ◽  
Netherlands Antilles ◽  
The Us ◽  
Ability To Regenerate ◽  
1960S And 1970S ◽  
The 1960S

Abstract This article examines the intertwined arguments for sexual revolution and decolonization in the Dutch Atlantic in the 1960s and 1970s. In this period, Antillean activists in the Netherlands and the Netherlands Antilles celebrated aspects of the Cuban Revolution and the US Black Power movement for their purported ability to regenerate romantic love. Activists contended that socialism and antiracist activism could forge new bonds of erotic equality to explode the ongoing effects of colonialism, slavery, and the regimes of sexual violence that maintained both. Considering the centrality of sexual politics to Antillean radical imaginaries, this article argues that Antilleans viewed sexual liberation as a primary rather than ancillary component of self-determination. Illuminating the Atlantic currents that informed Antillean arguments for insurgent forms of intimacy—from revolutionary Cuba to black struggle in the United States—this article reconceives of both the substance and geography of the sexual revolution.

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