The Right to a Constitutional Complaint in Eastern Europe

2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Eastern Europe ◽  
The Right

scholarly journals ROMAN COIN FINDS FROM VOLHYNIA: MAIN CATEGORIES AND DISTRIBUTION FEATURES (to the problem of regional study)

2019 ◽  
Vol 30 (1) ◽  
pp. 30-42
Author(s):  
K. V. Myzgin
Keyword(s):  
Eastern Europe ◽  
Archaeological Research ◽  
Basic Information ◽  
Information Analysis ◽  
Critical Approach ◽  
Regional Study ◽  
Roman Coins ◽  
Distribution Features ◽  
Metal Detectors ◽  
The Right

The article is an experience of regional study of Roman coins finds on the territory of Eastern Europe. The basic information about them was collected and published in the middle of the 20th century. However, today this source base has significantly expanded. Basically, due to the use of metal detectors during archaeological research and, unfortunately, for illegal purposes (such finds are called «less reliable», their use is obligatory, however, provided a critical approach to information). Analysis of the main categories of Roman coins finds in the region made it possible to distinguish features in their distribution. Basically, Volhynia are is outside the concentration of the main categories of finds of Roman coins in Eastern Barbaricum: Roman republican coins, 1—2nd c. AD denarii, 1—3rd c. AD aurei, 2—3rd AD bronze provincial coins, antoniniani and bronze and silver emissions of 4th c. AD. Nevertheless, the concentration of the 4th c. AD Roman gold medallions is associated with this region (in article published a new find of such coin), which indicates here the existence of the centre of the barbarous elite. In general, the numismatic material of the Volhynia region is typical for the territory of the right bank of Dnieper. At the same time, do not forget that Volhynia, like all territory of Eastern Barbaricum, in Roman period was part of the German cultural circle, in which Roman coins were universal.

Recurring ideas: Searching for the roots of right-wing populism in Eastern Europe

2020 ◽  
Vol 23 (6) ◽  
pp. 989-997
Author(s):  
Dorota Szelewa
Keyword(s):  
Eastern Europe ◽  
Individual Responsibility ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Domestic Sphere ◽  
The Public ◽  
Right Wing Populism ◽  
Biological Reproduction ◽  
The Right ◽  
Communist Countries

The main sets of ideas that dominated discourses on market-making and democratization in Eastern Europe during the 1990s concerned: first, the superiority of market-led mechanisms of exchange and distribution with individual responsibility and entrepreneurship; and second, the conservative gender order, with women disappearing from the public domain, now being responsible for domestic sphere and the biological reproduction of the nation. Suppressed when these countries were on the path for joining the European Union, the ideas have been now recurring in a new form, representing the basis for the right-wing populist turn in several of the post-communist countries.

Politically Driven

2014 ◽  
Vol 29 (4) ◽  
pp. 871-891 ◽  
Author(s):  
Zsolt Boda ◽  
Gabriella Szabó ◽  
Attila Bartha ◽  
Gergő Medve-Bálint ◽  
Zsuzsanna Vidra
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Eastern Europe ◽  
Political Communication ◽  
Criminal Policy ◽  
Social Actors ◽  
Leading Role ◽  
The Media ◽  
Severe Punishment ◽  
The Right ◽  
Tabloid Press

Penal populism, advocating severe punishment of criminals, has greatly influenced justice policy measures in Eastern Europe over the last decade. This article takes Hungary as a typical case in the region and based on a recent criminal policy reform it investigates the roots of the penal populist discourse, which legitimizes and supports punitive measures. The research assumes that policy discourses need specific social actors that construct and promote them. Accordingly, the article explores whether the right-wing political parties and the tabloid media have taken a leading role in constructing the discourse of penal populism as a response to public concerns about crime. Content analysis and frame analysis of political communication and media was conducted to identify the discursive positions of major political parties and selected national media sources. The research found that penal populism was dominant in Hungarian political discourse while most of the media, including the tabloid press, have been rather reluctant to adopt punitive tones. The results thus contradict previous findings and offer a more nuanced view on how penal populism is being constructed and promoted in Eastern Europe.

scholarly journals The right(s) and minimum income in hard times: Southern and Eastern Europe compared

2018 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
pp. 33-51 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marcello Natili ◽  
Matteo Jessoula ◽  
Ilaria Madama ◽  
Manos Matsaganis
Keyword(s):  
Eastern Europe ◽  
Minimum Income ◽  
Hard Times ◽  
The Right

scholarly journals Rights of passage

1997 ◽  
Vol 26 (3) ◽  
pp. 190-197
Author(s):  
Irena Maryniak
Keyword(s):  
Eastern Europe ◽  
Green Line ◽  
The West ◽  
Marshalling Yard ◽  
The Right

Since 1989, eastern Europe has become the marshalling yard for all those who seek final refuge in the West. And the community on the ‘right’ side of the ‘green line’ that divides Europe as sharply as any wall ever did, is determined to keep them there

Staging Patriotism: Popular Responses to Solidarność in Soviet Ukraine, 1980-1981

Slavic Review ◽  
2012 ◽  
Vol 71 (4) ◽  
pp. 824-848 ◽  
Author(s):  
Zbigniew Wojnowski
Keyword(s):  
Eastern Europe ◽  
The State ◽  
Soviet State ◽  
The Right ◽  
Dominant Narratives ◽  
Public Forums

Zbigniew Wojnowski explores Soviet popular responses to Solidarity during the early 1980s, focusing in particular on Ukraine and its western borderlands. Shifting emphasis from internal Soviet dynamics to transnational interactions in eastern Europe, Wojnowski challenges dominant narratives of late Soviet and Ukrainian history. Whereas Alexei Yurchak maintains that members of the “last Soviet generation” were essentially indifferent to the Soviet state and its ideology, popular responses to Solidarity suggest that, in some contexts at least, Soviet citizens still engaged with the state in active and meaningful ways during the early 1980s. Drawing on the rhetoric of Soviet patriotism in various public forums, many residents of Ukraine claimed the right to comment on official policies. In this sense, the types of citizenship that had developed in the USSR after 1945 survived into the early 1980s. Most surprisingly, perhaps, Soviet patriotism provided a crucial source of vitality for Leonid Brezhnev's regime even in Ukraine's western borderlands, which have often been seen as the “least Soviet” part of the USSR.

scholarly journals Creating Suspicion and Vigilance

Intersections ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 3 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ákos Kopper ◽  
Pál Susánszky ◽  
Gergely Tóth ◽  
Márton Gerő
Keyword(s):  
Eastern Europe ◽  
Political System ◽  
Central And Eastern Europe ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Liberal Democracies ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
Significant Case ◽  
The Government ◽  
Government Rules ◽  
The Right

In recent years, many theoretical and empirical analyses about the changing regimes of Central and Eastern Europe have been written, pointing out the authoritarian tendencies and radicalization in the region. Hungary is a significant case in the changing landscape of Central and Eastern Europe. The right-wing government rules the country with incontestable force, despising and disrespecting the norms of liberal democracies. Although the general impression is that the government has such a strong grip on power that resisting it is futile, in fact, it only enjoys only the support of 30 per cent of Hungarian citizens. Thus, it would be reasonable to expect the opposition to be able to effectively mobilize against the regime. In reality, no political opponent seems to stand a chance of defeating it. In order to explain why this is so, we focus on the way Orbán constantly creates images of ‘the enemy’ that keep alive an atmosphere of vigilance that blocks the efforts of critical actors to efficiently mobilize citizens. Since the political system in Hungary is highly centralized, the prime-minister’s speeches epitomize the logic and ideology of the regime. Our aim is to understand the mechanism through which the dominant political actors frame the enemy in a system of images, thereby creating an environment where critical actors are stripped of the resources needed to mobilize against them.

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