Dispossession, Property, and the Clash of Interests: Reflections on Early Marx and Late Bensaïd: A review of Daniel Bensaïd, The Dispossessed: Karl Marx’s Debates on Wood Theft and the Right of the Poor

2021 ◽  
Vol 32 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Bret Benjamin
Keyword(s):  
The Poor ◽  
Author(s):  
Lutz Leisering

The Universal Declaration of Human Rights (1948) proclaimed the equality of all human beings in dignity and rights. The right to social security, however, has been taken more seriously only since the 2000s, through calls for ‘Social security for all’ and ‘Leaving no one behind’. The book investigates a major response, social cash transfers to the poor. The idea of simply giving money to the poor had been rejected by all major development organizations until the 1990s, but since the early 2000s, social cash transfers have mushroomed in the global South and on agendas of international organizations. How come? What programmes have emerged in which countries? How inclusive are the programmes? What models have international organizations devised? Based on unique quantitative and qualitative data, the book takes stock of all identifiable cash transfers in all Southern countries and of the views of all major international organizations. The author argues that cash transfers reflect broader changes: new understandings of development, of human rights, of global risks, of the social responsibility of governments, and of universalism. Social cash transfers have turned the poor from objects of charity into rights-holders and agents of their own lives and of development. A repertoire of cash transfers has evolved that has enhanced social citizenship, but is limited by weak political commitments. The book also contributes to a general theory of social policy in development contexts, through a constructivist sociological approach that complements the dominant approaches from welfare economics and political economy and includes a theory of social assistance.


Author(s):  
Florian Matthey-Prakash

What does it mean for education to be a fundamental right, and how may children benefit from it? Surprisingly, even when the right to education was added to the Indian Constitution as Article 21A, this question received barely any attention. This book identifies justiciability (or, more broadly, enforceability) as the most important feature of Article 21A, meaning that children and their parents must be provided with means to effectively claim their right from the state. Otherwise, it would remain a ‘right’ only on paper. The book highlights how lack of access to the Indian judiciary means that the constitutional promise of justiciability is unfulfilled, particularly so because the poor, who cannot afford quality private education for their children, must be the main beneficiaries of the right. It then deals with possible alternative means the state may provide for the poor to claim the benefits under Article 21A, and identifies the grievance redress mechanism created by the Right to Education Act as a potential system of enforcement. Even though this system is found to be deficient, the book concludes with an optimistic outlook, hoping that rights advocates may, in the future, focus on improving such mechanisms for legal empowerment.


2012 ◽  
Vol 51 (4II) ◽  
pp. 493-504 ◽  
Author(s):  
Taseer Salahuddin ◽  
Asad Zaman

In the recent literature, consensus has emerged that poverty is a multidimensional phenomenon; see Alkire and Santos (2010) for a review of the major arguments. Nonetheless, the most widely used measures of poverty remain unidimensional, being based on income or caloric intake cutoffs. The logic for the use of income based measures was that it was only lack of income which led to deprivation—with sufficient income; rational agents would automatically eliminate deprivations in all dimensions in the right sequence of priorities. However, careful studies like Thorbecke (2005) and Banerjee and Duflo (2006) show that this does not happen. Even while malnourished and underfed, the poor spend significant portions of their budgets on festivals, weddings, alcohol, tobacco and other non-essential items. The move from abstract theoretical speculation based on mathematical models of human behaviour to experiments and observations of actual behaviour has led to dramatic changes in the understanding of poverty and how to alleviate it. Some of these insights are encapsulated in a new approach to poverty advocated by Banerjee and Duflo (2011).


2017 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 17-27
Author(s):  
Muhammad Haris Riyaldi
Keyword(s):  
The Poor ◽  

Zakat fund is among the sources of funds potentially for overcoming poverty. Fakir and miskin is the preferred class in distribution of zakat funds. This paper aims to explore the views Yusuf Qarhdawi, regarding how to position zakat efforts to overcoming poverty and how the division of zakat right principles that can be being solutions to overcome poverty issues? The study of literature relating with principle of divison of zakat to overcome poverty has implemented, mainly through the works of yusuf qardhawi. Againts the analysis of his views can be stated that the principles relating zakat Islamic sharia hearts overcome poverty. First, Islam makes working is potentially troubleshooting poverty. Second, not all indegent and poor reserves the right to review accept zakat. Meaning indigent and poor not accept entitled to zakat. Third, some of the poor classes helped with zakat funds can be work in order to obtain income (productive), While others were given zakat funds hearts forms consumptive.Dana zakat merupakan diantara sumber dana yang berpotensi untuk mengatasi permasalahan kemiskinan. Fakir dan miskin adalah golongan yang diutamakan dalam pembagian dana zakat. Tulisan ini bertujuan mengupas pandangan Yusuf Qardhawi tentang bagaimana kedudukan zakat dalam upaya mengatasi permasalahan kemiskinan dan bagaimana prinsip pembagian zakat yang tepat sehingga dapat menjadi solusi untuk mengatasi persoalan kemiskinan? Studi literatur berkaitan dengan prinsip pembagian zakat untuk mengatasi kemiskinan telah dilaksanakan, terutama melalui karya-karya Yusuf Qardhawi. Dari analisis terhadap pandangannya dapat dikemukakan beberapa prinsip berkaitan zakat dalam syariah Islam dalam mengatasi kemiskinan. Pertama, Islam menjadikan bekerja sebagai sarana utama dalam mengatasi masalah kemiskinan. Kedua, tidak semua fakir dan miskin berhak untuk menerima zakat, artinya ada fakir dan miskin yang tidak berhak menerima zakat. Ketiga, sebagian golongan fakir miskin dibantu dengan dana zakat supaya dapat bekerja sehingga memperoleh penghasilan (produktif), sedangkan sebagian yang lain diberi dana zakat dalam bentuk konsumtif.


2019 ◽  
Vol 67 (268) ◽  
pp. 1001 ◽  
Author(s):  
Clodovis M. Boff

Quer-se mostrar aqui que a Teologia da Libertação partiu bem, mas, devido à sua ambigüidade epistemológica, acabou se desencaminhando: colocou os pobres em lugar de Cristo. Dessa inversão de fundo resultou um segundo equívoco: instrumentalização da fé “para” a libertação. Erros fatais, por comprometerem os bons frutos desta oportuna teologia. Numa segunda parte, expõe-se a lógica da Conferência de Aparecida, que ajuda aquela teologia a “voltar ao fundamento”: arrancar de Cristo e, a partir daí, resgatar os pobres.Abstract: It is our intention to show here that the Theology of Liberation started off on the right track but, given its epistemological ambiguity, ended up by going astray: it put the poor in the place of Christ. A second mistake resulted from this fundamental inversion: the faith became an instrument “for” liberation. Fatal errors, for they jeopardized the good fruits of this opportune theology. In a second part, we explain the reasoning behind the Aparecida Conference: the need to help that theology to “return to basics”, to have Christ as its starting point and, through this, rescue the poor.


2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (Especial) ◽  
pp. 239-249 ◽  
Author(s):  
Maite Conde

This essay outlines and analyses the spread of the coronavirus in Brazil. In doing so it explores how the pandemic, whilst initially brought into the country by the wealthy elite, has predominantly affected the country’s poor, revealing structural inequalities that encompass class, race and ethnic differences, in which the poor are not afforded the right to live. It additionally examines the response to COVID-19 by the country’s far right president, Jair Messias Bolsonaro, looking at how his laissez faire reaction to the virus builds on a history of violence against the marginalized, especially to the country’s indigenous peoples, that has not just excluded them from the nation state but at times actively and violently eradicated them.


2020 ◽  
Vol 46 (7-8) ◽  
pp. 1311-1325
Author(s):  
John Eustice O’Brien

In his Capital and Ideology, Thomas Piketty (2019) deepens and broadens his historical and material analysis of the institutional sources of wealth and income inequality. Fueled by an expanded data base, he extends his position to cover the globe. In his earlier work, he disavowed Kuznets, demonstrating that under néoliberal capitalism, concentration of wealth continues at the top of the economic ladder, while indifferent to the suffering among those at the bottom. With his data he demonstrates that the problem of inequality is due only partly to capitalism as technical machine, and moreso to the way governments facilitate it in favor of their elites. This occurs thanks to an informal and unchallenged ideological consensus, that the wealthy have earned the right to their advantage, as have also–in negative terms, the poor. Without major restructuring, this is the inevitable yield under the ‘regimes of inequality’, which with minor variation today characterize all major nations around the world. As alternative, he proposes a participative-socialism, with modification concerning the nature of property, its distribution and ownership, supported by alterations in market regulation, economic rights, worker participation in enterprises, education, citizen engagement and environmental responsibility.


2005 ◽  
Vol 49 (1) ◽  
pp. 54-72
Author(s):  
Hennie van As

Democracy and the adoption of a Bill of Rights for South Africa not only brought about political change, but it also created expectations of a better life for all. The Constitution guarantees equality before the law, access to a fair hearing and the right to legal representation in criminal matters, and the Legal Aid Board is one of the institutions tasked with giving effect to these pledges. In order to achieve its objectives and to fulfil its obligations, government embarked upon a process of transformation of existing structures and institutions and the creation of new ones. Although legal aid, and statutory provision therefore, are not new concepts in South Africa, constitutionalization resulted in the restructuring of the Legal Aid Board and changes in the method of delivery of its services. The focus is on rendering legal representation in criminal matters to the neglect of civil and non-legal problems that the poor often face, resulting in the impression that government is merely paying lip service to the promise of access to justice. This lends credence to the perception that the legal system exists in order to protect the interests of criminals. Being a developing country, it is comprehensible that priorities have to be set, but it is also true that optimum use should be made of existing structures and resources in order to deal with the needs for legal aid services as expressed by the recipients of those services. Involving students and local government are two methods that can be employed to address the multi-farious problems experienced by the less fortunate members of society.


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