Zeng state cemetery at Zaoshulin during the Spring and Autumn period, Suizhou, Hubei

2021 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
pp. 75-90

Abstract The Zaoshulin cemetery includes five large tombs with an entry ramp leading to a central chamber on one side, 19 medium tombs, and 62 small tombs. According to the inscriptions on the bronze vessels, the layout of the tombs, and the grave assemblages, this cemetery was the burial place for the high-ranking noblemen of the Zeng state. Three hierarchies of tombs from large to small in size correspond to the social ranks of marquises, high-ranking noblemen, and low-ranking noblemen. Amongst these tombs, the occupants of five large burials in three groups are identified as Lord Qiu of Zeng and his wife Yu, Marquis Bao of Zeng and his wife Mi Jia, and Marquis De of Zeng. The Zaoshulin cemetery, along with the sites and cemeteries at Yejiashan, Wenfengta, Guojiamiao, Sujialong, presents a clear and complete archaeological sequence of the culture of Zeng. It also establishes a reference point for Bronze Age archaeological culture in South China.

Cultura ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 165-182
Author(s):  
Xiao TAN

The conceptual changes of Jian in the pre-Qin period were the results of changes in the social and political structure. It originally referred to Jian virtue, which was a kind of political norm of clan states. This required the aristocrats to be moderate in accordance with the patriarchal hierarchy and generously share their wealth with their own clansmen. The opposite of Jian virtue is Tan ( greed) and Chi ( extravagance). In the middle of the Spring and Autumn Period, many states formed their politics based on ministerial families. The aristocrats glorified greed and extravagance as Fu ( riches), and stigmatized Jian virtue as Pin ( poverty). After the collapse of the clan-based state order, the states in the Warring States Period gradually developed into territorial states, and the institutional political norm became a new, abstract concept, indicated by the compound Jian Yue ( economy) and was used to describe the consumption attitudes of individuals and families. Meanwhile, with the increase of social mobility, the pursuit of riches was highly popular in the ideological world. The new expression of “means-ends” advocated by Legalists, which stipulated that individuals and families acquire wealth through Jian Yue (economy), took shape and endures to this day.


1995 ◽  
Vol 54 (1) ◽  
pp. 148-152
Author(s):  
Constance A. Cook

In the history of chinese religions the Ch'un-ch'iu or Spring and Autumn period (eighth to fifth centuries B.C.E.) was a time of transition between the court rituals of the Western Chou gift-giving society and the private or local cult practices evident in the later Eastern Chou market economy (Cook 1993a). This was the time when the local lords usurped the Chou king's ritual “power” (te) to “charge” (ming) and the Chou lineage lost its authority. The transition is most evident in the speeches (yueh) of the kings and local rulers inscribed on the eating or striking surfaces of the late Western Chou and early Ch'un-ch'iu-period ritual bronze vessels and bells. These speeches or “spoken” liturgies of legitimation initially focused on the spiritually sanctioned right of the ruler to “charge” a gift recipient, but later simply focused on the right of the vessel-maker to charge himself. This shift is most evident after 771 B.C.E. when a western tribal group forced the Chou to flee their ancestral lands and altars. Local lords, originally on the periphery of Chou authority, called themselves kings and manipulated the Chou ideology to legitimate their own independent identities (see Cook on Chu in Cook and Major forthcoming). They relied on the guidance of ritualists (possibly descendants of the Western Chou shih and yin)whose knowledge of Chou liturgy and rites was a valued commodity at local courts (Cook 1993b).


2011 ◽  
Vol 368-373 ◽  
pp. 3348-3352
Author(s):  
Yi Zhong Zhang ◽  
Zhao Ru Guo

Houses with long history can’t be passed down from generation to generation. The impression of celebrities’houses stems from the analysis of their life tracks and the exploration of living space environment which produces their idea and philosophy. The planning and designing of Laozi-house is a product of the dialectical and reverse thinking. It is not a copy of the house that Laozi lived in, but it reproduces scenes of life and social customs in his days as much as possible. It can also reflect the social and cultural phenomenon in the Spring and Autumn Period.


2017 ◽  
Vol 25 (2) ◽  
pp. 788-832
Author(s):  
Lukas M. Muntingh

Egyptian domination under the 18th and 19th Dynasties deeply influenced political and social life in Syria and Palestine. The correspondence between Egypt and her vassals in Syria and Palestine in the Amarna age, first half of the fourteenth century B.C., preserved for us in the Amarna letters, written in cuneiform on clay tablets discovered in 1887, offer several terms that can shed light on the social structure during the Late Bronze Age. In the social stratification of Syria and Palestine under Egyptian rule according to the Amarna letters, three classes are discernible:1) government officials and military personnel, 2) free people, and 3) half-free people and slaves. In this study, I shall limit myself to the first, the upper class. This article deals with terminology for government officials.


2002 ◽  
Vol 712 ◽  
Author(s):  
Britt E. Hartenberger

ABSTRACTA specialized workshop for the manufacture of flint sickle blades has recently been excavated at the site of Titris Hoyuk in southeastern Anatolia [1]. This paper will examine the sequence of production for the blades as well as the social context of this craft within the site. The workshop is the first example found containing evidence of the complete sequence of production for the ‘Canaanean blade,’ a type commonly used across the Near East in this period [2]. Since bronze was still new and relatively expensive, high-quality flint was used to manufacture sickle blades. Tabular flint was imported in the form of large slabs from several sources in the nearby hills. Specialists then prepared the blade cores, removed the blades, and then traded the final products to local farmers. A range of manufacturing debris has been found to illustrate the production sequence, including chunks of raw flint, core-shaping pieces, debitage pits, and stacks of exhausted and used cores. The large sample of over 1000 blade cores collected ensures a sizable data set for statistical analyses. Several types of raw flint were utilized for making the blades and production appears to vary slightly by these material types. The workshop is located within a household setting and is the only area within the excavated site containing debris from this craft. Spatial analyses of the types of flint used within the household workshop reveal its division into largely distinct areas for domestic versus specialist craft activities. The placement of the workshop in the suburbs far from the site's administrative center may indicate that its activities were independent of any elite. An estimate of the volume of blades produced combined with the location of the workshop at a major regional center suggest that it also supplied blades to other sites in the region.


1997 ◽  
Vol 56 (2) ◽  
pp. 591-591
Keyword(s):  

The Journal's November 1996 issue (55.4) carried an error in Carolyn Cartier's review of Faure and Siu's, Down to Earth: The Territorial Bond in South China, pp. 979–81.On page 980 in the second paragraph, the second sentence was misedited to read: “In the introduction, David Faure and Helen Siu embed the set of essays by Fu Yiling, Maurice Freedman, G. William Skinner, and others, in the social terrain of the delta and in the central scholarship of regional issues in South China.”


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