Open Access in the Economic Sphere but Restricted Access in the Political Sphere: The Experience of Singapore

ICL Journal ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 29-63
Author(s):  
Guanghua Yu
Keyword(s):  
Open Access ◽  
Human Development ◽  
Financial Market ◽  
Rule Of Law ◽  
The Political ◽  
The West ◽  
Political Sphere ◽  
Rights Protection ◽  
Property Rights Protection ◽  
Economic Sphere

Abstract This article uses the case of Singapore to argue that the theory of open access order advocated by North and his colleagues provides one possible option only. Although their theory of open access order explains the West relatively well, it does not always apply to contemporary non-Western countries. Similar to the cases of India and Japan examined elsewhere, the case of Singapore shows that what is more important to economic and human development is the open access in the economic sphere and the interconnected institutions in the area of property rights protection and contract enforcement, financial market, rule of law, and human resource accumulation. In other words, countries without open access in the political sphere as practiced in Singapore may also be able to achieve a great deal of success in terms of economic and human development if they ensure open access in the economic sphere and devote adequate resources to establishing the necessary interconnected institutions examined in this article. Further research elsewhere on China will similarly demonstrate this insight.

scholarly journals Open Access in the Economic Sphere or the Political Sphere: Evidence from Japan

2018 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 173-208
Author(s):  
Guanghua Yu
Keyword(s):  
Open Access ◽  
Human Development ◽  
Financial Market ◽  
Rule Of Law ◽  
The Political ◽  
The West ◽  
Political Sphere ◽  
Rights Protection ◽  
Property Rights Protection ◽  
Economic Sphere

AbstractThe article uses the case of Japan to argue that the theory of open access order advocated by North and his colleagues goes beyond what is necessary. Although their theory of open access order explains the West relatively well, it does not always apply to contemporary non-Western countries. Similar to the case of India examined elsewhere, the case of Japan reveals that what is more important to economic and human development is the open access in the economic sphere and the interconnected institutions in the areas of property rights protection and contract enforcement, financial market, rule of law, and human resource accumulation. In other words, countries without open access in the political sphere may also be able to achieve a great deal of success in terms of economic and human development if they ensure open access in the economic sphere and devote adequate resources to establishing the necessary interconnected institutions examined in this article. Further research elsewhere on Singapore and China will shed more light on this debate.

Open Access Order and Interconnected Institutions in Brazil: A Challenge

2019 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-40
Author(s):  
Guanghua Yu
Keyword(s):  
Open Access ◽  
Rule Of Law ◽  
Political Representation ◽  
Political Organizations ◽  
Historical Evidence ◽  
The Rule Of Law ◽  
Rights Protection ◽  
Economic Organizations ◽  
Property Rights Protection

AbstractThis article examines the evolution of democratic practice in Brazil. The article begins with a discussion on the country’s performance in terms of social equality, violence, and weak economy after the consolidation of democracy in 1985. Based on historical evidence, the article offers explanations concerning the weak performance in Brazil. The case of Brazil provides a challenge to the theory of open access order of North and his colleagues in the sense that open access to political organizations and activities does not necessarily lead to either better political representation or better economic performance. The case of Brazil also shows that open access to economic organizations and activities in the absence of the necessary institutions in the areas of property rights protection and contract enforcement, the financial market, the rule of law, and human resources accumulation does not lead to long-term economic growth.

Rule of Law, Citizenship and Access to Justice in Mexico

1999 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 151-191 ◽  
Author(s):  
Pilar Domingo
Keyword(s):  
Rule Of Law ◽  
Justice System ◽  
Political Discourse ◽  
The Political ◽  
Access To Justice ◽  
Individual Rights ◽  
Rights Protection ◽  
Mexican State

A través de una evaluación del sistema judicial, el artículo considera las cambiantes perspectivas de la ciudadanía y el regulación de la ley en México. La transformación del estado mexicano lleva consigo cambios en la manera en que los derechos son concebidos, tanto en el discurso político como dentro de la sociedad misma. La creciente demanda de la realización efectiva de los derechos individuales y del acceso a la justicia aumenta cada vez más la presión en un aparato jurídico que no logra satisfacer las expectativas adecuadas mínimas de la administración de justicia y la protección de los derechos. / Through an assessment of the justice system, the article considers the changing views and perspectives on citizenship and rule of law in Mexico. The transformation of the Mexican state carries with it significant changes in how rights are conceived both in the political discourse and within society. Increasing demands for the effective realisation of individual rights and access to justice places growing pressures on a judicial apparatus which fails to meet minimally adequate standards of justice administration and rights protection.

The Origins of the Commission System in the West India Trade The Alexander Prize Essay

1952 ◽  
Vol 2 ◽  
pp. 89-107 ◽  
Author(s):  
K. G. Davies
Keyword(s):  
West Indies ◽  
West Indian ◽  
The Political ◽  
The West ◽  
Half Century ◽  
Political Sphere ◽  
Direct Administration ◽  
Series Of Experiments ◽  
The Government ◽  
Prize Essay

The half-century which followed the capture of Jamaica in 1655 was characterized by the consolidation rather than by the expansion of the English interest in the West Indies. In the political sphere this consolidation took several forms. The acquisition of Jamaica, by far the largest English West Indian colony, and the termination of proprietary rule in, the Caribee Islands in 1663 brought the greater part of the English West Indian empire under the direct administration of the Crown. As a corollary to this extension of Crown rule, the creation of effective institutions for the government of these and other colonies became a matter of urgent necessity. After a series of experiments in the decade following the Restoration, the constitution in 1672 of the Council of Trade and Plantations inaugurated 'a more thorough system of colonial control than had been established by any of its predecessors'. The sum effect of these developments was that London became, in a way that it had never been before, the place where all the major decisions affecting the destinies of the West Indies were taken. From London there issued not only Crown-appointed governors and a stream of Orders-in-Council, but also declarations of the King's pleasure on such minor questions as appointments to colonial judgeships and seats in colonial councils.1 To London there flowed, besides acts of colonial legislatures for approval or rejection, a torrent of complaints and petitions for redress.

scholarly journals Does State Ownership Matter? Institutions' Effect on Foreign Direct Investment Revisited

2011 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-31 ◽  
Author(s):  
Carl Henrik Knutsen ◽  
Asmund Rygh ◽  
Helge Hveem
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Foreign Direct Investment ◽  
Rule Of Law ◽  
Host Country ◽  
Direct Investment ◽  
State Ownership ◽  
Human Rights Protection ◽  
Rights Protection ◽  
Property Rights Protection ◽  
High Level

This paper investigates whether Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) decisions are influenced by state ownership. The literature has established that host country institutions affect FDI allocation, but there is no systematic evidence how state ownership affects such relationships. However, we expect that state ownership systematically affects the relation between host country institutions and FDI. Theoretical arguments indicate that state-owned enterprises (SOEs) should invest relatively more than privately owned enterprises (POEs) in countries with poor rule of law, poor property rights protection and a high degree of corruption. However, SOEs are expected to invest relatively less than POEs in dictatorships and countries with poor human rights protection. We test these hypotheses, using a new dataset on Norwegian firms' FDI from 1998 to 2006. The empirical analysis suggests that SOEs invest relatively more than POEs in countries with high level of corruption and weak rule of law. Indeed, SOEs' FDI appears not to be reduced by such institutional risk factors. However, there is no solid evidence indicating that SOEs invest more in democracies and countries with better human rights protection.

Improvement of Property Rights Protection - Dormant Reserve of Russia’s Economic Growth?

2006 ◽  
pp. 22-38 ◽  
Author(s):  
V. Tambovtsev
Keyword(s):  
Economic Growth ◽  
Property Rights ◽  
Value Creation ◽  
The Political ◽  
Rights Protection ◽  
Political Market ◽  
Property Rights Protection ◽  
Fiscal Revenue

Prospects of the improvement of property rights protection in Russia are analyzed in the article through the prism of the economics of property rights. The level of independency of judiciary as a factor of property rights protection, and influence of the level of competition on the political market on judicial independency are stressed. Basing on the positive dynamics in Russia of the share of fiscal revenue that is not connected with value creation, the conclusion is drawn that there are great obstacles for improving the situation with property rights protection.

The Rise of Semiotic Marxism

1993 ◽  
Vol 36 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-22 ◽  
Author(s):  
Albert Bergesen
Keyword(s):  
20Th Century ◽  
Social Relations ◽  
The Political ◽  
Economic Base ◽  
Social Formation ◽  
Marxian Theory ◽  
Discursive Formation ◽  
Political Sphere ◽  
Economic Sphere ◽  
Linguistic Relations

This paper identifies four distinct stages in the 20th century emergence of a new direction in Marxian theory. Called here “Semiotic Marxism,” its central assumption is a reversal of the classic base/superstructure logic of determinate relations between the economic base and the political and ideological superstructure. Each stage builds upon the theoretical reconstitutions of the previous stage. To illustrate this step-by-step transformation, the theoretical logic of a representative Marxist theorist is explicated. These four stages in the emergence of a Semiotic Marxism are: (1) the initial inversion of base/superstructure logic (Gramsci), (2) the expansion of the logic of the ideological downward to merge with the logic of the political (Althusser), (3) the further expansion downward of the logic of the now merged ideological/political sphere to absorb the logic of the economic sphere (Poulantzas), and finally, (4) the recasting of the once Marxian social formation comprised of social relations in production, into the new Semiotic Marxist “discursive formation” composed of linguistic relations between subject identities (Laclau and Mouffe).

The Rise of Germany in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries and Sustaining Democracy

2021 ◽  
Vol 0 (0) ◽  
Author(s):  
Guanghua Yu
Keyword(s):  
Economic Development ◽  
Open Access ◽  
Human Development ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
Political Development ◽  
Human Freedom ◽  
Future Research ◽  
Dominant Party ◽  
Human Equality ◽  
Economic Sphere

Abstract This article examines the rise of Germany from the nineteenth century to explain that it is open access in the economic sphere, as well as institutional building related to the protection of property rights, contract enforcement, financial markets, rule of law, and human resource accumulation that determine economic and human development. The case of Germany is not very consistent with the logic of the open access orders of North et al. or the theory of extractive political institutions of Acemoglu and Robinson along the line of contestation and inclusiveness. The case of Germany is, however, able to support the research of Przeworski and Limongi that economic development is more likely to sustain democracy. Germany is certainly not the only case in explaining that stable democracy is not the cause but rather the consequence or outcome of lengthy economic development. The historical evidence from South Korea and Taiwan similarly supports the position that democracy is the outcome of economic and political development. This article, however, does not examine whether western values of human equality and human freedom are essential in economic and human development. They are very likely to be so as human equality is the precondition of open access in the economic sphere and human freedom is closely integrated with the interconnected institutions examined in this article. Future research may investigate the roles of these values in different political systems regardless of whether a political system is under the rule of one party, by a dominant party, or through the utilization of a multiparty system.

The Atlas That has Not Shrugged: Why Russia's Oligarchs are an Unlikely Force for Change

Daedalus ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 146 (2) ◽  
pp. 101-112 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stanislav Markus
Keyword(s):  
Rule Of Law ◽  
Political Behavior ◽  
Systemic Change ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Elites ◽  
The West ◽  
Business Elites ◽  
Effect Change ◽  
The Rule Of Law ◽  
Incremental Change

There is demand among Russia's oligarchs for systemic change, but not for the rule of law proper. Instead, it is the de facto accountability of political elites and improved relations with the West that the Russian oligarchs want from the Kremlin. However, the oligarchs currently lack the capacity to effect change. Their insufficient leverage vis-à-vis Putin is rooted in their competition for rents, which prevents them from confronting the Kremlin as a united force. In addition to analyzing the lack of systemic pressure for change from the oligarchs, this essay considers the prospects of individual oligarchs who have nevertheless pushed openly for liberalization or tried to effect incremental change. It also draws on comparisons with other countries to chart the political behavior of Russia's business elites in the future.

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