scholarly journals Industrial Relations: Worker Codetermination and Collective Wage Bargaining

2019 ◽  
Vol 239 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-4
Author(s):  
Steffen Müller ◽  
Claus Schnabel
2001 ◽  
Vol 19 (3) ◽  
pp. 1-33 ◽  
Author(s):  
Wade Jacoby ◽  
Martin Behrens

Our purpose in this article is to analyze changes in the German wagebargaining system, a system that has attracted enormous attentionfrom scholars of comparative political economy and comparativeindustrial relations. We argue that the wage bargaining portion ofthe German model is neither frozen in place, headed for deregulation,nor merely “muddling through.” Rather, we see the institutionalcapacities of the key actors—especially the unions and employerassociations—making possible a process we term “experimentalism.”In briefest form, experimentalism allows organizations that combinedecentralized information-gathering abilities with centralized decision-making capacity to probe for new possibilities, which, oncefound, can be quickly diffused throughout the organization. We willshow that the capacity for such experimentalism varies across actorsand sectors. And, to make things even tougher, neither major Germansocial actor can sustain innovation in the longer term withoutbringing along the other “social partner.”


2016 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 33-46 ◽  
Author(s):  
Magnus Feldmann

A growing literature has analysed capitalist institutions in Slovenia and Estonia, two countries often viewed as representing very different varieties of capitalism in Central and Eastern Europe. Slovenia has been unique in the region, given its highly centralized wage bargaining and the importance of corporatist institutions, notably the tripartite Economic and Social Council; it is thus an exception to the general pattern of weak unions and ‘illusory corporatism’ across the region. By contrast, Estonia is commonly viewed as a prime example of a liberal market economy, in which industrial relations are decentralized. This article analyses how these distinctive institutional configurations have shaped the two countries’ responses to the global economic crisis beginning in 2007–2008. It explores whether these institutions have undergone changes as a result of the crisis, and also seeks to identify lessons from this experience for the future prospects for corporatism and tripartism, and also for the revitalization of trade unions and progressive politics in Central and Eastern Europe more generally.


2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sabien Dobbelaere ◽  
Roland Luttens

2019 ◽  
Vol 53 (5) ◽  
pp. 809-846 ◽  
Author(s):  
Fabio Bulfone ◽  
Alexandre Afonso

Employer organizations have been presented as strong promoters of the liberalization of industrial relations in Europe. This article, in contrast, argues that the preferences of employers vis-à-vis liberalization are heterogeneous and documents how employer organizations in Spain, Italy, and Portugal have resisted state-led reforms to liberalize collective bargaining during the Euro crisis. It shows that the dominance of small firms in the economies of these countries make employer organizations supportive of selective aspects of sectoral bargaining and state regulation. Encompassing sectoral bargaining is important for small firms for three reasons: it limits industrial conflict, reduces transaction costs related to wage-bargaining, and ensures that member firms are not undercut by rivals offering lower wages and employment conditions. Furthermore, the maintenance of sectoral bargaining and its extension to whole sectors by the state is a matter of survival for employer organizations. The article presents rationales for employer opposition to liberalization that differ from the varieties of capitalism approach.


1997 ◽  
Vol 38 (4) ◽  
pp. 969
Author(s):  
Anat Levy ◽  
Lloyd S. Shapley

1970 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ken Douglas

The trade union movement in New Zealand has had its fundamental right to bargain with its employees denied it since the last award round in 1981/82. In the time that has elapsed since awards were last negotiated the National Government attempted to radically alter the total environment within which wage negotiations were to be conducted. In the first instance legislation was introduced which removed the unqualified preference clauae from the Industrial Relations Act. Secondly, the National Government sought to reform the wage fixing system in a manner which would effectively see to it that economic conditions took precedence over wage equity in deciding rates of remuneration. Thirdly, the National Government canvassed the concept of changes to existing rules of union coverage so as to make possible the emergence of enterprise based unions and consequentially the development of enterprise based bargaining.


2019 ◽  
Vol 88 (1) ◽  
pp. 11-30
Author(s):  
Svend E. Hougaard Jensen ◽  
Torben Möger Pedersen ◽  
Tove Birgitte Foxman

Summary: This paper focuses on the development of the funded, occupational pension (OP) system in Denmark. Launched in 1987, as a grand agreement between social partners backed by the government, and as part of the collective wage bargaining process, the Danish OP system differs from the set-up in most other countries, where OP schemes typically have been introduced as part of the legislative process. The OP schemes, being a major component of the overall Danish pension system, have attracted a lot of international attention in recent years and play a key role behind the system’s success with respect to achieving satisfactory coverage, providing high replacement rates and not least, for keeping fiscal policy on a sustainable path. Finally, the paper discusses a number of future challenges, mainly related to the interaction between private and public pensions in a welfare state.


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