scholarly journals COMMENTARY: Campaign for the Return to Free Wage Bargaining

1970 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ken Douglas

The trade union movement in New Zealand has had its fundamental right to bargain with its employees denied it since the last award round in 1981/82. In the time that has elapsed since awards were last negotiated the National Government attempted to radically alter the total environment within which wage negotiations were to be conducted. In the first instance legislation was introduced which removed the unqualified preference clauae from the Industrial Relations Act. Secondly, the National Government sought to reform the wage fixing system in a manner which would effectively see to it that economic conditions took precedence over wage equity in deciding rates of remuneration. Thirdly, the National Government canvassed the concept of changes to existing rules of union coverage so as to make possible the emergence of enterprise based unions and consequentially the development of enterprise based bargaining.

1991 ◽  
Vol 33 (3) ◽  
pp. 369-394 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stuart Kollmorgen ◽  
Richard Naughton

The federal government has demonstrated that it supports moves to rationalize trade union structure by enacting legislation which allocates the parties in the industrial relations process different roles in transforming union coverage of workers and workplaces. The power to rewrite union eligibility rules under section 118A of the Industrial Relations Act 1988 provides the Australian Industrial Relations Commission with a direct role in the restructuring process, while the more permissive path towards trade union amalgamations now endorsed by the legislation allows the union movement itself an opportunity to hasten the reform process. The authors contend that the government has chosen to adopt a compromise model of reform by seeking to achieve change from within the existing centralized system. The paper analyzes the different legislative mechanisms, both to identify the capacity for change that currently exists within the Industrial Relations Act, and to assess whether they provide a suitable response to the challenges presently confronting the Australian industrial relations system.


Author(s):  
Cybèle Locke

In 1982, an incident occurred at the Auckland Trade Union Centre in New Zealand. A small group of Maori radicals, called Black Unity, who ran the Polynesian Resource Centre were accused of antitrade unionism and racism and, consequently, were evicted from the Auckland Trade Union Centre with the assistance of the New Zealand police. This chapter explores the radical ideas of Maori sovereignty and Black feminism propagated by Black Unity that inflamed Auckland trade unionists, focusing on the writings of the group's spokeswomen, Ripeka Evans and Donna Awatere. It chapter examines the philosophical position that Maori nationalist members of Black Unity espoused. It explores the historical context for the demand for Maori sovereignty first articulated by Black Unity in 1981; explains why the Maori sovereignty position was also a Black feminist position; and asks what led Maori women to turn with such anger on the radical Left in the early 1980s Finally, it analyzes the longer-term affect of Maori sovereignty demands on the Maori protest movement, the women's movement, the sectarian Left, and the trade union movement.


2015 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 4 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Anderson ◽  
Thomas Brauns

<em>The Liberal National Party (‘LNP’) won 78 out of a possible 89 seats in Queensland’s 2012 state election. Facing a budget blowout, the new Government soon used its control of the state’s unicameral parliament to implement a contentious public sector reform agenda. The LNP’s amendments to Queensland’s employment laws struck at the very heart of many of the accepted ‘ground rules’ of industrial relations. Perhaps most signif-icantly, the Government used its parliamentary majority to remove job security commit-ments given to public servants, paving the way for the loss of thousands of jobs. This paper sets out the key industrial relations reforms adopted by the LNP. The authors dis-cuss the Government’s rationale for the changes, and the reaction from Queensland’s trade union movement. The article concludes with some general observations about the changes adopted during the LNP’s term of Government; a period which will undoubtedly be remembered as a controversial part of Queensland’s industrial relations history.</em>


1970 ◽  
Vol 5 (2/3) ◽  
Author(s):  
R. J. Harbridge

The Forty-Third Annual Conference of the New Zealand Federation of Labour (FoL) was held in the Wellington Town Hall from 6 to 9 May 1980. The credentials committee of the conference reported that "there were 409 delegates attending and three National officers, which included 45 women delegates, exercising a total of 625 votes". This conference was significant as a meeting of trade unionists for three reasons. First, as the first conference of the 80s, the opportunity existed for a look back at the late seveties - the chance to review gains and losses - and the chance to look forward to the early eighties, and to assess the difficulties and challenges that would face New Zealand's trade union movement. Second, this conference was significant in terms of leadership. This was the first annual conference for the newly elected President, Jim Knox, and the Secretary, Ken Douglas, and the progress of this new leadership team was an issue for some delegates - not to mention some politicians and some journalists. Third, a number of long term policy decisions were proposed - the effects of which would have deep significance for the future of the Union movement.


Several historical, sociocultural, and political dimensions have shaped the development and the discourse and practice of the trade union movement. The characteristics of “traditional” trade union discourse and practice are explored, providing a contextual understanding for the contest, challenge, and change evidenced by the process of translation into the MOU actor network. There are several implications for the “identity,” “relational,” and “ideational” aspects of trade union discourse and industrial relations practice by convergence with the MOU actor network. However, while relationships within the black box of network interaction affords the union movement prominence and access to the powerful halls of leadership and governance, the union constituency becomes contested in acceding to discoursal change and practice resulting in “boxing and dancing” within the new context of diminished adversarialism.


2005 ◽  
Vol 26 (1) ◽  
pp. 64-83 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul Malles

The author considers whether the multinational corporation constituted a challenge to the industrial relations systems as they have developed in Europe over the last quarter of a century and what response such a challenge found in the trade-union movement.


1991 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 90-113 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bradon Ellem

Plans to restructure the trade union movement have received little critical analysis. The most striking exception to this appeared in the first issue of this journal where Costa and Duffy argued that amalgamation plans were ‘fatally flawed’. This perspective, although drawing out some problems with the ACTU's program, is itself unsatisfactory because too much of its argument remains implicit and it relies on highly debatable assumptions. Like so much industrial relations debate in Australia, the arguments in and about union strategies are made more difficult because they proceed without reference to theory or history. The main burden of this article is, after a detailed analysis of the Costa and Duffy prescription, to show why this matters and to suggest some areas of detailed research.


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