Patterns of commemorative street and place renaming in India’s two mega-cities: Mumbai and New Delhi

2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (s5) ◽  
Author(s):  
Rani Rubdy

Abstract This paper presents a small-scale case study of commemorative street and place renaming patterns in Mumbai and New Delhi. Three distinct waves of such renamings are identified, driven by dramatic shifts in political and ideological orientation: the first signifies a break with India’s colonial past and the reclaiming of national pride and identity; the second is marked by the rise of the Shiv Sena, a radical right wing political party known for its strident form of identity politics; and the third reflects the resurgence of cultural nationalism and populism since 2014 with the coming to power of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), intent on pursuing its Hindu nationalist agenda – with each wave undeniably transforming the cityscape.

Fascism ◽  
2013 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 234-258 ◽  
Author(s):  
Pietro Castelli Gattinara ◽  
Caterina Froio ◽  
Matteo Albanese

The present works sets up to analyze the relationship between radical right activism and the unfolding of the financial crisis in Europe, investigating the extent to which the current economic circumstances have influenced right-wing movements’ political supply and repertoires of action. Using the case study of the Italian neo-fascist group CasaPound, and based on a mix of historiography and ethnographic methods, the present work systematically analyzes the ways in which the group tackles the economic crisis. We find that the crisis offers a whole new set of opportunities for the radical right to reconnect with its fascist legacy, and to develop and innovate crisis-related policy proposals and practices. The crisis shapes the groups’ self-understanding and its practices of identity building, both in terms of collective rediscovery of the fascist regime’s legislation, and in terms of promotion of the fascist model as a ‘third way’ alternative to market capitalism. Even more importantly, the financial crisis plays the role of the enemy against which the fascist identity is built, and enables neo-fascist movements to selectively reproduce their identity and ideology within its practices of protest, propaganda, and consensus building.


2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 68-86
Author(s):  
Dominika Tronina

AbstractMuch has been written about the increasing influence of the Catholic Church in post-socialist Poland and its role in shaping the Polish national identity. As a result, the ways in which many Polish radical right groups have built their ideologies on Catholicism has also been studied. However, despite evidence of personal contact between clergymen and radical right figures over the past few decades, little is known about the intensity of these relationships and the advantages that right-wing groups might obtain from association with churches. This study aims to contribute to filling this knowledge gap by examining the relationship between churches and clergymen with the radical right in Poland by performing a case study of the group Młodzież Wszechpolska (MW, All-Polish Youth). By drawing on Social movement theory and borrowing from methods such as social network and protest event analysis, the paper uses joint events as an indicator of links and analyzes Facebook announcements posted by MW. The detected events (N = 170) primarily centered around cultural or historical issues and indicated that MW benefited from material resources and personal relationships facilitated by churches. Collaboration manifested not only as religious action but also in the involvement of clergymen as discussion participants at public events and churches as venues where MW could hold meetings. Therefore, churches can be used as a base for spreading ideology and approaching potential supporters. In addition, the presence of ecclesiastical actors can function as a legitimizing factor for increasing acceptance of MW and, ultimately, deradicalizing the group’s image.


Author(s):  
George Hawley

In recent years, the so-called Alt-Right, a white nationalist movement, has grown at an alarming rate. Taking advantage of high levels of racial polarization, the Alt-Right seeks to normalize explicit white identity politics. Growing from a marginalized and disorganized group of Internet trolls and propagandists, the Alt-Right became one of the major news stories of the 2016 presidential election. Discussions of the Alt-Right are now a regular part of political discourse in the United States and beyond. In The Alt-Right: What Everyone Needs to Know® , George Hawley, one of the world's leading experts on the conservative movement and right-wing radicalism, provides a clear explanation of the ideas, tactics, history, and prominent figures of one of the most disturbing movements in America today. Although it presents itself as a new phenomenon, the Alt-Right is just the latest iteration of a longstanding radical right-wing political tradition. The Alt-Right represents a genuine challenge to pluralistic liberal democracy, but its size and influence are often exaggerated. Whether intentionally or not, President Donald Trump energized the Alt-Right in 2016, yet conflating Trump's variety of right-wing politics with the Alt-Right causes many observers to both overestimate the Alt-Right's size and downplay its radicalism. Hawley provides a tour of the contemporary radical right, and explains how it differs from more mainstream varieties of conservatism. In dispassionate and accessible language, he orients readers to this disruptive and potentially dangerous political moment.


2021 ◽  
Vol 45 (1) ◽  
pp. 19-47
Author(s):  
Vasiliki Georgiadou ◽  
Jenny Mavropoulou

Abstract Anti-establishment parties with either a left-wing or a right-wing ideological slant have been entering contemporary European Democracies with sizeable vote shares. During the Great Recession, the Greek party system could be perceived as a relevant case-study for the formation and breakthrough of anti-establishment parties. Given the fact that two deeply ideologically diverging anti-establishment parties, the Coalition of the Radical Left – Social Unionist Front (syriza) and the populist radical right-wing Independent Greeks (anel), came to power, forming a coalition government from early 2015 to January 2019, the primary goal of this article is to enquire into ‘supply-side’ parameters, exploring potential associations along a range of programmatic stances and policy dimensions that effectuated the syriza-anel alliance. Using the Comparative Manifesto Project and the Chapel Hill Expert Survey datasets from 2012 to 2017, our findings confirm beyond the expected programmatic differences the existence of a converging policymaking basis between syriza and anel which goes beyond the ‘pro-Memorandum vs. anti-Memorandum’ divide.


2017 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 98-118 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marcel Lubbers ◽  
Marcel Coenders

Voting for radical right-wing parties has been associated most strongly with national identity threats. In Europe, this has been framed by the radical right in terms of mass-migration and European integration, or other politicians bargaining away national interests. Perhaps surprisingly given the radical right’s nationalist ideology, nationalistic attitudes are hardly included in empirical research on the voting behaviour. In this contribution, we test to what extent various dimensions of nationalistic attitudes affect radical right voting, next to the earlier and new assessed effects of perceived ethnic threat, social distance to Muslims, Euroscepticism and political distrust. The findings show that national identification, national pride and an ethnic conception of nationhood are additional explanations of radical right voting. National identification’s effect on radical right voting is found to be stronger when populations on average perceive stronger ethnic threat.


2016 ◽  
Vol 45 (3) ◽  
pp. 40-51 ◽  
Author(s):  
Amal Jamal

This essay analyzes the political motivations behind the Jewish Nation-State Bill introduced in the Knesset in November 2014, shedding light on the ascendancy of the Israeli political establishment's radical right wing. It argues that there were both internal and external factors at work and that it is only by examining these thoroughly that the magnitude of the racist agenda currently being promoted can be grasped. The essay also discusses the proposed legislation's long history and the implications of this effort to constitutionalize what amounts to majoritarian despotism in present-day Israel.


2016 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 43-48
Author(s):  
Igor Tanchyn ◽  
◽  
Halyna Lutsyshyn ◽  

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