Constitutionalizing Sophisticated Racism: Israel's Proposed Nationality Law

2016 ◽  
Vol 45 (3) ◽  
pp. 40-51 ◽  
Author(s):  
Amal Jamal

This essay analyzes the political motivations behind the Jewish Nation-State Bill introduced in the Knesset in November 2014, shedding light on the ascendancy of the Israeli political establishment's radical right wing. It argues that there were both internal and external factors at work and that it is only by examining these thoroughly that the magnitude of the racist agenda currently being promoted can be grasped. The essay also discusses the proposed legislation's long history and the implications of this effort to constitutionalize what amounts to majoritarian despotism in present-day Israel.

2018 ◽  
Vol 53 (8) ◽  
pp. 1251-1270 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rahman Dag

The Kurdish question has been one of the most protracted issues in the political history of Turkey. Given such a long securitization of the Kurdish question, it almost came to an end due to the peace process initiated by the AK Party government and the imprisoned leader of the PKK, Abdullah Öcalan in 2013. Apparently it was not a solid process because it failed immediately after the June 2015 general election. There may have been many internal and external factors explaining the reason why it failed but this paper looks specifically at one of them: the influence of the Syrian crisis on the peace process in Turkey in light of spillover effects and spreading insurgency theories.


Author(s):  
M. Djamaluddin Miri

Mughal was one of the Islamic Kingdoms that stay long for about 342 years, starting from Sultan Zahr al-Din Muhammad (1483—1530 A.D) until Sultan Siraj al-Din Bahadur Syah (1837—1858 A.D). There are two prominent factors which caused the Kingdom of Mughal separated each other and faced the decrease, internal and external factors. Internally, the Kingdom of Mughal faced the decrease because of no system and mechanism on power succession, and also the lack leadership integrity of the next generation who descended the former leaders. The hedonism life style also became the main cause of the complicated political situation on the Kingdom. Moreover, the political policy which tends to be more puritanical and ideological also ruined the governmental system. Those internal factors, then, caused weak political control and powerless authority of the Kingdom in front of other kingdoms. As a consequence, many rebellions happened everywhere. It absolutely made the power of the Kingdom one by one belongs to other kingdoms.


2019 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 163-177 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ahmad H. Sa'di

The Nation State of the Jewish People's basic law, passed in July 2018, constitutes a landmark in the evolution of Israel's settler-colonial nationalism and self-presentation. The law underscores the shift Israel has made from aligning itself with the Western liberal order to embracing, even spearheading, a radical right-wing populist worldview. The Jewish exclusivity and racism that the law embodies, I argue, did not result from changes in Israel's political and demographic landscape in the last two decades. Rather their genesis could be traced back to the debates which took place soon after Israel's establishment. Since then the desire for Jewish exclusivity has not dwindled but had been masqueraded through ideas of Israel's inimitability. The article discusses the mutations of these debates and their legal and policy effects.


Author(s):  
Melanie Mierzejewski-Voznyak

During much of Ukraine’s post-Soviet history, the radical right has remained on the political periphery, wielding little influence over national politics. However, from 2009 to 2014, Ukraine saw a radical right-wing party, Svoboda, enter parliament, and from 2014 to 2016 there was an increased social role played by the right-wing radical groups Pravyi Sektor and Azov. Thus, the political impact of the far right in Ukraine extends beyond electoral performance and to the activities of extra-parliamentary groups that are beginning to penetrate political life and state institutions. The radical right in Ukraine is intertwined, but not identical, with ethnic Ukrainian nationalism. The direction and development of the Ukrainian far right have thus been a result of both the historical legacy and cultural context of a nation that was ruled over by others for centuries and is home to competing ethnic nationalisms and geopolitical orientations.


2018 ◽  
Vol 24 (3) ◽  
pp. 270-290 ◽  
Author(s):  
Simon Otjes ◽  
Gilles Ivaldi ◽  
Anders Ravik Jupskås ◽  
Oscar Mazzoleni

2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 100
Author(s):  
Onvara Vadhanavisala

Radical right-wing politics and ultra-nationalism have always been important issue across Europe's political spectrum. However, the recent flourishing of right-wing and populist parties in Europe in the past couple years were provoked by the European migrants and refugee crisis. The European institutions fail to solve the crisis. We witnessed various terrorist attacks occurred in major cities in Europe such as Paris, Berlin, and Italy etc. This had led not only the European people but all over the world to grow more suspicious of the EU institutions and their capabilities to manage the incident. As a consequence, the radical right-wing nationalist and right-wing political parties in Europe have taken this opportunity to claim and run their campaigns on a strong anti-refugees and immigrants. As a result, right-wing politicians and parties tend to gain more popularity among voters and achieved electoral success in many European countries such as Marine Le Pen in France, Andrej Babiš in Czech Republic, the Freedom Party (FPÖ) in Austria, Viktor Orbán's Fidesz party in Hungary and elsewhere in Europe. These right-wing nationalists and political parties represent themselves as a defender of European Christian values, the protector of Europe, the savior of Christianity. They are working in every way to prevent the land of Europe from Muslims. This kind of rhetoric is spreading across Europe and developed as an anti-refugee/immigrant campaign which can be seen in both online and offline media especially in the case of Hungary. It has signified as a backlash against the political establishment and a wave of discontent. Furthermore, the rise of right-wing politics has created concerns over human rights, national identity, refugee and migrant issues.


Author(s):  
Hartin Nur Khusnia ◽  
Muhlis Muhlis ◽  
Tenri Waru

Equality of rights and obligations between men and women has been textually stated and guaranteed by various regulations, both at international, national and local levels. However, this guarantee does not necessarily guarantee equality between men and women to actively participate in practical politics. The fact that the representation of women in legislator of the West Nusa Tenggara Province is still low, which a total of 65 members of the Regional House of West Nusa Tenggara Province Representatives for the 2014-2016 periode 6 female legislators and 59 male legislators. The object of this research study is the political communication of women's legislators in the Regional House of Representatives of West Nusa Tenggara Province. The results of interviews with research informants can be concluded that the political communication of female legislators in the Regional House of Representatives of West Nusa Tenggara Province runs effectively because it is influenced by internal and external factors. Internal factors are the personal abilities of female politicians in building positive self-concepts. While external factors are participatory political culture in both the legislative and political parties where politicians take shelter. Political communication activities carried out by women's legislators aim to influence political policy, especially policies related to women's empowerment in West Nusa Tenggara. And aims to establish the self-image of politicians and institutions, both political parties or legislative bodies.Keywords: Political Communication, Women's Legislators, the Regional House of Representatives of West Nusa Tenggara Province


2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 7-40
Author(s):  
Luiza-Maria Filimon

The Nordic states had an active radical right presence long before the economic and refugee crises that swept the shores of the European Union (EU) left in their wake a reinvigorated right-wing contingent. The radical right parties (RRPs) have not only registered various degrees of electoral success, but have also made inroads into the political mainstream. The three defining characteristics that set these parties apart from the more traditional far-right ones are: 1) the repudiation of hardcore extremism; 2) the search for political viability; and 3) the acquisition of mainstream recognition. The present article argues that as these parties compete for legitimacy, they are forced to alter their discriminatory rhetoric by switching tonal registers. One of the political strategies that enables them to put the outright “overt” in the “covert” is the recourse to dog whistle politics. How well can they overcome the stigma associated with their more extreme reflexes depends on a case by case basis. This article examines whether the four most prominent examples of Nordic radicalism (the Danish People’s Party, Finns Party, Sweden Democrats, and Norway’s Progress Party) have integrated dog whistles in their political messaging and tracks how these coded appeals change from one country to another. In analyzing the response to the 2015 refugee crisis, the study finds that to a certain extent, the rhetoric utilized falls into the coded register or at the very least purposefully attempts to veer away from the radical excesses which are marginalizing and self-exclusionary.


2020 ◽  
pp. 84-100
Author(s):  
Koen Damhuis

This chapter empirically investigates the political supply of radical right-wing parties. Not only to make sure that the FN and the PVV are actually comparable, which is a necessary condition to justify a comparison of their voters. But also to find out whether there are differences in their political messages, which, in turn, might account for different demands within their respective constituencies. Based on a fine-grained analysis of 1,378 hand-coded tweets of Marine Le Pen and Geert Wilders, the chapter shows which reference groups they denounce and which groups they claim to support, which issues they prioritize and how they articulate these issues. The findings indicate that the political supply of the two politicians is highly comparable. Rather than offering standardized ‘products’ to a general electorate, both radical right politicians use relatively similar forms of ‘product differentiation’ (Eatwell, 2000), by articulating the demands and identities of multiple societal groups in a nativist fashion. Importantly, both leaders do so through ‘dual closure’ (Parkin, 1979), denouncing both elites (above) and non-native out-groups (below).


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