scholarly journals Poland: A Dark Side of Church Cultural Policy

Studia Humana ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 4 (4) ◽  
pp. 13-22
Author(s):  
Konrad Szocik ◽  
Aneta Szyja

Abstract The cultural policy of the Roman Catholic Church in Poland is incorporated into state-run cultural policies. The organs of public authority enforce the objectives of Church regardless of Church’s actual ability to influence the society. It should be pointed out that the secularization of religion in Poland is frequently misinterpreted and usually equated with its deprivatization. It is worth mentioning that Catholicism is the dominant religion of the country and the Roman Catholic Church has hold a special position in Poland and play a major role in the country’s social and political life. In practice, however, Polish society appears to be religiously indifferent. This paper proves that the official, state-run cultural policy in Poland is based on favoritism of the Roman Catholic Church, regardless of Church’s actual ability to wield influence on society. Thus, there is a variety of implicit and explicit cultural policies implemented by the authorities to support Church. This work also aims at addressing the question of social attitudes to women, especially the one concerning the UN and EU law embracing women’s rights, until recently still not implemented in Poland. This paper further explores some peculiarities of this topic as an example of a specific outcome of Church cultural policy and its impact on both the past and present-day society.

Horizons ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 47 (1) ◽  
pp. 115-119
Author(s):  
Massimo Faggioli

In the ongoing aggiornamento of the aggiornamento of Vatican II by Pope Francis, it would be easy to forget or dismiss the one hundred and fiftieth anniversary of Vatican I (1869–1870). The council planned (since at least the Syllabus of Errors of 1864), shaped, and influenced by Pius IX was the most important ecclesial event in the lives of those who made Vatican II: almost a thousand of the council fathers of Vatican II were born between 1871 and 1900. Vatican I was in itself also a kind of ultramontanist “modernization” of the Roman Catholic Church, which paved the way for the aggiornamento of Vatican II and still shapes the post–Vatican II church especially for what concerns the Petrine ministry.


2016 ◽  
Vol 3 (4) ◽  
pp. 251
Author(s):  
María Gómez Requejo

Las ceremonias que se tenían lugar cuando se producía el fallecimiento de un monarca de la casa de Austria, tanto las pre como las post mortem, eran el  vehículo de un lenguaje simbólico cargado de representaciones y emblemas que le recordaban al súbdito tanto el poder del rey muerto como el que iba a tener su sucesor y asimismo ponían de manifiesto la unión de la dinastía con la Iglesia Católica. Enfermedad, muerte y exequias se convierten, con estos monarcas, en un espectáculo fastuoso que requiere escenografía, actores, vestuario, guion  y un público –los súbditos- del que se busca una participación ya sea consciente y activa o pasiva, como mero espectador, pero en todo caso necesario para que el espectáculo cumpla su objetivo: persuadir del poder real. Abstract The ceremonies around the death of a Habsburg king in Spain, where the vehicle to a symbolic language, full of representations and emblems, used to remind to his loyal subjects not only the power of the dead king and the one his heir and successor was going to hold, but also the relationship between the dynasty and the Roman Catholic Church. With the Habsburg’s, the illness, death and exequies of the monarch were converted into a sumptuous show that needed: a set, actors, lavish costumes, script and audience –the loyal subjects- to which audience participation, whether it be active or passive, was essential to fulfill its objective: to be persuaded of the king’s power.


2021 ◽  
pp. 315-316
Author(s):  
Martin Wight

Professor Carr relies on an antithesis: ‘Every political situation contains mutually incompatible elements of Utopia and reality, of morality and power.’ Carr provides ‘the most comprehensive modern restatement, other than Marxist or Fascist, of the Hobbesian view of politics. It is from politics that both morality and law derive their authority. For Hobbes, the kingdom of the fairies was the Roman Catholic Church, seducing mankind with its enchantments. For Professor Carr, it is the League of Nations, which is no other than the ghost of the deceased Pax Britannica.’ Carr’s tome is ‘the one lasting intellectual monument of the policy of appeasement’. The first edition, published in 1939, praised Chamberlain’s policy as ‘a reaction of realism against Utopianism’, and defended the 1938 Munich agreement whereby Britain, France, Germany, and Italy agreed to the cession to Berlin of the Sudetenland in Czechoslovakia. In the 1946 second edition ‘these passages are omitted’, Wight notes. ‘Wielding the realist critique at the expense of the moral critique, it is natural that Professor Carr should have moved since 1939 from support of collaboration with Germany to support of collaboration with Russia. But the Teheran–Yalta theory of world relationships is itself being swept from present realism into past Utopianism.’ In Wight’s view, ‘The student could have no better introduction to the fundamental problems of politics, provided always that he reads it side by side with Mr. Leonard Woolf’s deadly reply in “The War for Peace”.’


2021 ◽  
pp. 134-153
Author(s):  
Vadim V. Volobuev ◽  

The chapter describes the influence of the Roman Catholic Church on the domestic and foreign policies of Poland from the signing of the Treaty of May 1989 between the government and episcopate to the parliamentary elections of 2019. The author shows the interaction of the clergy and parties sharing the social doctrine of the church, in particular the Law and Justice Party, and the role of the personality and views of John Paul II in current Polish politics. Finally, the author considers the disputes and conflicts within Polish Catholicism.


Author(s):  
Ralph Keen

Luther’s position on the duties of rulers to preserve social order and on the obligation of subjects to obey them for the sake of civil tranquility is scripturally grounded, principally in Romans 13:1–7, and presupposes an anthropology in which humans are so sinful as to need worldly government. The foundations of Luther’s thought about politics can be located in two sources: his doctrine of the Two Kingdoms and his understanding of the Pauline precept in Romans 13 to obey worldly authorities. Woven into each of these positions is a theological anthropology that holds that fallen humanity is too sinful to survive without divine aid. In the political realm, this aid takes the form of civil government; as a correlate, the authority of the church for Luther is limited to spiritual matters only and has no influence in the governance of the people. Luther’s defense of the social order and civil government set him in sharp opposition to the leaders of the Peasants’ War and led him to support the Protestant princes in their opposition to the Holy Roman Empire (founded on the spurious authority of the Roman Catholic Church in political affairs) after the 1530 Diet of Augsburg. In his defense of obedience to worldly powers and his grounds for justified resistance to impious rule, Luther left a seemingly ambiguous legacy that manifested itself after his death in a division over advocates of obedience to a conciliatory ruler (who wished to reintroduce elements of Roman worship) and purists who insisted that such obedience was a violation of Luther’s intention.


Author(s):  
Paul Vermeer ◽  
Peer Scheepers

AbstractBackground: Today the Dutch religious landscape is characterized by two opposite trends. On the one hand, there is a massive and dominant trend of religious disaffiliation which mostly affects the Roman Catholic Church and the mainline Protestant churches, while on the other hand the Netherlands also witnesses the emergence of several independent, evangelical congregations of near megachurch size. Purpose: Against the background of these opposite trends, this paper focuses on the second trend and tries to explain why some people join an evangelical congregation. Methods: For this purpose, quantitative data gathered among the audiences of six thriving evangelical congregations are analyzed in view of the following research questions: (1) What was the previous religious affiliation of the people who switched or converted to one of the six participating evangelical congregations? and (2) Which factors induced the switch or conversion to these congregations? Results: Results of bivariate and multivariate analyses show that these congregations attract both mainline and orthodox Protestant switchers as well as a significant number of secular converts, whose decision to join these evangelical congregations is induced by early socialization experiences, their intrinsic religious orientation and the switching of their partner. Closer scrutiny into the background of the apparent secular converts reveals, however, that several of these converts are probably re-affiliates. Although these secular converts indicated to be a religious none in their early teens, their conversion to evangelicalism is in part still induced by certain, early religious socialization experiences. Conclusions and Implications: This insight puts the alleged success of these evangelical congregations in more perspective. It shows that their success is more a matter of circulating, religious believers and not so much a matter of successfully reaching out to the unchurched. In all likelihood, then, thriving evangelical congregations will remain an exception in secular societies like the Netherlands and evangelical church growth in no way marks a break with the ongoing trend of religious disaffiliation.


1985 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 231-238 ◽  
Author(s):  
O Velho

This paper underlines the importance of the debate now being carried on in Brazil with reference to Amazonia and stresses the symbolical character with which it has been clothed. This debate is more than a clash between intellectual and political conceptions, the conflict-ridden encounter of the nation with its own destiny is dramatized within it. Seven theses stand out, representing the main prospects in question and their variants. In dismantling them one by one, the author proposes alternatives and above all suggests a kind of analysis epistemologically oriented by successive shiftings of viewpoint. This mobile approach makes it possible to reveal the partial truth of each thesis over the others. Theses (1) and (3) refer to the inexorable and all-encompassing character of capitalist expansion in rural areas, qualities which are regarded as likely to cause the reactive social movements themselves to succumb. It is shown that economic and political processes are often episodic, reversible, and subject to political interventions, especially to selective action on the part of the State. Theses (2), (4), and (5) affirm that the peasantry possesses its own conceptions of the land, that it is autonomous at productive level, and that it resists the advance of capitalism. It is demonstrated that these theses oversimplify, deny ambiguities, and are based on a logic that wrongly presupposes two homogenized social processes and blocs. Alternatively, the existence of multiple actors should be recognized, oriented by various strategies which are redefinable because they are not deterministically derived from socioeconomic conditions; the peasantry is not fighting to defend the essence of an idealized peasant being, but a particular series of ad hoc negotiable values, in the face of different concrete situations. In the discussions of theses (6) and (7), the author comes to grips, on the one hand, with the view that explains the apparent mobilizing success of the Roman Catholic Church through its ‘option on behalf of the poor’ and, on the other hand, the political criticisms usually directed at intellectuals who question traditional conceptions, when these supposedly favour the underprivileged.


1993 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
pp. 71-80 ◽  
Author(s):  
Zdenko Roter

In the eyes of the European public, Slovenia is still considered a Catholic country. Since before the last World War, this has had a double meaning. First of all, the Roman Catholic Church has been the leading ecclesiastical institution since the Christianization of the territory settled by Slovenes, decisively influencing the constitution of the cultural and political life of the Slovene nation, as well as its character. In spite of changed social conditions and its fate in the period of “real-socialist” rule from 1945 to 1990, the Church has preserved this role to the present time, although in different forms.


1904 ◽  
Vol 18 ◽  
pp. 33-76
Author(s):  
M. G. Routh

The Peace of Westphalia in 1648 put an end to the war which had troubled Europe for thirty years, and which had its origin in the bitter religious hatred, intensified by political jealousy, of the partisans of the Reformation on the one hand, and of the adherents of the Roman Catholic Church on the other.


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