scholarly journals The Attempts to Establish A Balance of Power in Europe During the Second Half of the Seventeenth Century (1648–1702)

1904 ◽  
Vol 18 ◽  
pp. 33-76
Author(s):  
M. G. Routh

The Peace of Westphalia in 1648 put an end to the war which had troubled Europe for thirty years, and which had its origin in the bitter religious hatred, intensified by political jealousy, of the partisans of the Reformation on the one hand, and of the adherents of the Roman Catholic Church on the other.

Archaeologia ◽  
1827 ◽  
Vol 21 ◽  
pp. 113-116
Author(s):  
John Bruce

The derivation of the word “Mass” having lately been the subject of our conversation, I am induced to offer you the following Remarks upon it, from which I think it will appear that the word, as used to signify the service of the Roman Catholic Church, is wholly distinct, both in derivation and sense, from “mas” the adjunct to Christ, &c. in the words, “Christmas,” “Candlemas,” “Lammas,” &c. In the former sense it seems to come from the Latin “Missa,” and in the latter from the Anglo-Saxon “mærre;” the one having been used in the early ages of the Church as a word of dismission to the congregation, or a part of it, and the other signifying a feast or solemn festival.


2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 99
Author(s):  
John Tofik Karam

Este trabalho indaga sobre a aparente “mistura” de massihiyin (cristãos em árabe), tanto da igreja ortodoxa do patriarcado antioquina quanto dos ritos maronita e melquita (ou oriental) que pertencem à igreja católica romana. Argumenta-se que a “mistura” significa não a diluição mas a contenção e a conversibilidade da diferença. Por um lado, os maronitas, os melquitas e os ortodoxos de origem árabe adotaram o catolicismo de rito latino, protestantismo e em menor grau, espiritismo, umbanda e candomblé. Por outro lado, os brasileiros sem nenhuma ascendência árabe se converteram às denominações maronita, melquita e ortodoxa. A diferença cristã árabe é construída e contida no que o antropólogo Richard Wilk chamou de “estrutura da diferença comum”. O conteúdo cultural assume uma forma “mutuamente inteligível,” se variável, na chamada “mistura”. Em vez de ser um benefício ou direito outorgado do Estado laico, a construção minoritária desses e outros sujeitos revela a própria contradição ainda não-resolvida do laicismo. This work explores  the apparent “mixture” of massihiyin (Christians in Arabic), both from the Orthodox Church of the Antiochian Patriarchate and from the Maronite and Melkite (or Eastern) rites that belong to the Roman Catholic Church. It is argued that “mixing” means not dilution but containment and convertibility of difference. On the one hand, Maronites, Melchites and Orthodox of Arab origin adopted the Catholicism of Latin rite, Protestantism and to a lesser extent, Spiritism, Umbanda and Candomblé. On the other hand, Brazilians with no Arab ancestry converted to the Maronite, Melkite and Orthodox denominations.  Arab Christian difference is constructed and contained in what anthropologist Richard Wilk called "the structure of common difference". Cultural content takes on a “mutually intelligible” form, if variable, in the so-called “mixture”. Instead of being a benefit or right granted by the secular state, the minority construction of these and other subjects reveals the  unresolved contradiction of secularism and the secular state.Este trabajo indaga sobre la aparente "mezcla" de massihiyin (cristianos en árabe), tanto de la Iglesia Ortodoxa del Patriarcado Antioqueño como de los ritos maronitas y melkitas (u orientales) que pertenecen a la Iglesia Católica Romana. Se argumenta que "mezclar" significa no dilución sino contención y convertibilidad de la diferencia. Por un lado, los maronitas, melquitas y ortodoxos de origen árabe adoptaron el catolicismo de rito latino, el protestantismo y, en menor medida, el espiritismo, el umbanda y el candomblé. Por otro lado, los brasileños sin ascendencia árabe se convirtieron a las denominaciones maronita, melquita y ortodoxa. La diferencia cristiana árabe está construida y contenida en lo que el antropólogo Richard Wilk llamó "la estructura de la diferencia común". El contenido cultural adquiere una forma "mutuamente inteligible", si es variable, en la llamada "mezcla". En lugar de ser un beneficio o un derecho otorgado al estado secular, la construcción minoritaria de estos y otros temas revela la contradicción muy no resuelta del secularismo.


2009 ◽  
pp. 168-178
Author(s):  
Yaroslav V. Stockiy

In recent years, the study of this problem has received considerable attention in both Ukrainian and Polish historiography, which is connected, on the one hand, with the deportation of Ukrainians from Poland and Poles from Ukraine, and, on the other, with the loss of confessional presence, including property. , these two denominations in Western Ukraine in 1944-1946. Both the first and the second are related to the policy of the State power of the Stalin regime. The echo of these events reminded itself in the late 1980s - in the first half of the 1990s - of the apogee years of interfaith confrontation in Ukraine and still echoes today, activating these 60-year-old events. Therefore, given the Ukrainian and Polish historiography of the study, it is appropriate to cover this issue in more detail. This is the relevance of our article. In this context, the author used sources already available in our time in the archives of Lviv, Ternopil, and Ivano-Frankivsk regions, which have not yet been fully explored by researchers. This made it possible to reproduce the confessional transformations of the Roman Catholic Church and the Armenian Catholic Church in a broader and more detailed way and to show the impact on this process of state power, which was the purpose of the study.


Author(s):  
Melchior Jakubowski

In the descriptions of Bukovуna as the new Habsburg province and in the records of the Roman Catholic Church various terms for ethnicity have functioned, sophisticatedly related to the religious denominations. Either all Orthodox inhabitants were described as Moldavians, or a difference between Orthodox Moldavians and Orthodox Ruthenians was marked. For Ruthenians (Orthodox and Greek Catholic) and their language there was no common name. All Roman Catholics were sometimes considered as Germans and Hungarians. Despite that, Catholic Church in Bukovуna from its beginning was multi-ethnic and multi-language. The ambiguity of terms is shown by the problem with distinguishing Catholic Poles and Slovaks. On the other hand, there was even a case of mistaking Ruthenians for Poles. Ethnicity and confession in Bukovina were entangled with each other, but with no strict connection, like the one functioning in Galicia (Polish Roman Catholics and Ruthenian Greek Catholics). The situation was much more complicated. The mixture of ethnicities among the faithful in both Orthodox and Catholic Churches was a factor of highest importance for the development of famous Bukovуnian tolerance. Keywords: Bukovina, ethnicity, religion, terminology


2009 ◽  
Vol 37 (2) ◽  
pp. 377-390 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anne Maxwell

In his popular Romance of London (1867), John Timbs refers to Thomas Babington Macaulay's oft-repeated metaphor of a “New Zealander sitting, like a hundredth-century Marius, on the mouldering arches of London Bridge, contemplating the colossal ruins of St Paul's” (290). Originally intended as an illustration of the vigor and durability of the Roman Catholic Church despite the triumph of the Reformation, Macaulay's most famous evocation of this idea dates from 1840, the year of New Zealand's annexation; hence it is reasonable to suppose that this figure is a Maori (Bellich 297–98). For Timbs and subsequent generations, however, the image conveyed the sobering idea of the rise and fall of civilizations and in particular of England being invaded and overrun, if not by a horde of savages, then by a more robust class of Anglo-Saxons from the other side of the world.


Author(s):  
Branislav Todic

The Old Serbian writer Theodosius wrote his Life of St Sava according to the older hagiography composed by Domentianus in 1253/4. Both authors were Hilandar monks and wrote the hagiographies of the first Serbian archbishop on Mount Athos. Unlike Domentianus?s work, Theodosius?s Life has not been dated with precision. Helpful in establishing the date of his Life of St Sava are its manuscript copying tradition and reception in Serbian literature and the analysis of its content. This paper shows that from 1317 the Serbian writers Nicodemus and Daniel II drew on Theodosius?s hagiography, which pushes its date further back into the past. On the other hand, the content of the Life suggests that it was written between 1284 and 1292 because it refers to the river Sava as Serbia?s border with Hungary (which it became in 1284), and describes the monastery of Zica as it was before the destruction it sustained in 1292. Both pieces of information have long been noticed and properly explained. Helpful in establishing the date of writing with more precision may also be an examination of the reasons which led to the writing of a new hagiography of St Sava only thirty years after the one written by Domentianus. Among several possible explanations proposed so far, the one discussed in detail here is the different attitude of the two hagiographers towards Rome and the Roman Catholic Church. In Theodosius?s case, it is markedly disapproving. Therefore, the assumption that the union of Lyon (1274-1282) and the developments on Mount Athos linked with it were the reason for writing a new hagiography is accepted and strengthened with further arguments. The new Life gave a much more idealized hagiographic portrayal of St Sava and enriched his image with a new perception of Orthodoxy which made sense only at the time of the triumphant mood inspired by the failure of the union. The proposed conclusion is that Theodosius did not begin writing his Life of St Sava until after 1285, when the condemnation of the patriarch John Bekkos of Constantinople and his teachings put an end to the union of Lyon. The Life could not have been written much after that year either because its tendentiousness had lost all significance already in the 1290s.


2021 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 169-192
Author(s):  
Łukasz Neubauer

J.R.R. Tolkien’s imagination is invariably abundant in all sorts of peoples, races, and other forms of intelligent life, including those whose prototypes could be encountered in the natural world and which found their way into Tolkien’s fiction with little alteration to their physical properties and only some modification of their often deep-rooted framework of cultural associations in Indo-European lore. This last group includes, amongst others, the Great Eagles of the Misty Mountains, Tolkien’s ‘dangerous machine’, whose two principal affiliations appear to be with, on the one hand, the pre-Christian beliefs of the Germanic peoples (via the so-called beasts of battle) and, on the other, the pneumatological soteriology of the Roman Catholic Church (via the eagle as a creative recasting of the evangelical ‘dove’). The present article is an attempt to demonstrate that these seemingly incompatible ingredients in fact came to be quite seamlessly unified in The Hobbit and, in particular, The Lord of the Rings, providing even more depth to the powerful Christian substratum of Tolkien’s fiction.


Horizons ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 47 (1) ◽  
pp. 115-119
Author(s):  
Massimo Faggioli

In the ongoing aggiornamento of the aggiornamento of Vatican II by Pope Francis, it would be easy to forget or dismiss the one hundred and fiftieth anniversary of Vatican I (1869–1870). The council planned (since at least the Syllabus of Errors of 1864), shaped, and influenced by Pius IX was the most important ecclesial event in the lives of those who made Vatican II: almost a thousand of the council fathers of Vatican II were born between 1871 and 1900. Vatican I was in itself also a kind of ultramontanist “modernization” of the Roman Catholic Church, which paved the way for the aggiornamento of Vatican II and still shapes the post–Vatican II church especially for what concerns the Petrine ministry.


2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 132-154
Author(s):  
Katherine Haldane Grenier

This article examines two pilgrimages to Iona held by the Scottish Roman Catholic Church in 1888 and 1897, the first pilgrimages held in Scotland since the Reformation. It argues that these religious journeys disrupted the calendar of historic commemorations of Victorian Scotland, many of which emphasized the centrality of Presbyterianism to Scottish nationality. By holding pilgrimages to “the mother-church of religion in Scotland” and celebrating mass in the ruins of the Cathedral there, Scottish Catholics challenged the prevailing narrative of Scottish religious history, and asserted their right to control the theological understanding of the island and its role in a “national” religious history. At the same time, Catholics’ veneration of St. Columba, a figure widely admired by Protestant Scots, served as a means of highlighting their own Scottishness. Nonetheless, some Protestant Scots responded to the overt Catholicity of the pilgrimages by questioning the genuineness of “pilgrimages” which so closely resembled tourist excursions, and by scheduling their own, explicitly Protestant, journeys to Iona.


2016 ◽  
Vol 3 (4) ◽  
pp. 251
Author(s):  
María Gómez Requejo

Las ceremonias que se tenían lugar cuando se producía el fallecimiento de un monarca de la casa de Austria, tanto las pre como las post mortem, eran el  vehículo de un lenguaje simbólico cargado de representaciones y emblemas que le recordaban al súbdito tanto el poder del rey muerto como el que iba a tener su sucesor y asimismo ponían de manifiesto la unión de la dinastía con la Iglesia Católica. Enfermedad, muerte y exequias se convierten, con estos monarcas, en un espectáculo fastuoso que requiere escenografía, actores, vestuario, guion  y un público –los súbditos- del que se busca una participación ya sea consciente y activa o pasiva, como mero espectador, pero en todo caso necesario para que el espectáculo cumpla su objetivo: persuadir del poder real. Abstract The ceremonies around the death of a Habsburg king in Spain, where the vehicle to a symbolic language, full of representations and emblems, used to remind to his loyal subjects not only the power of the dead king and the one his heir and successor was going to hold, but also the relationship between the dynasty and the Roman Catholic Church. With the Habsburg’s, the illness, death and exequies of the monarch were converted into a sumptuous show that needed: a set, actors, lavish costumes, script and audience –the loyal subjects- to which audience participation, whether it be active or passive, was essential to fulfill its objective: to be persuaded of the king’s power.


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