“Happy for John Hay That He Is Dead”

2017 ◽  
Vol 86 (2) ◽  
pp. 228-257
Author(s):  
Daniel M. DuBois

This article examines the response by U.S.-educated Chinese to the international debate over the recognition of the Republic of China. In their private and public writings, these students viewed China’s struggle for recognition as part of the country’s bigger problem of securing allies in a world overpowered by imperialism and exploitation. While certain that the “monarchical powers” of Europe and Japan were using recognition as a tool to further extort the Chinese government, the students stressed that the United States could be counted on to stand up for China, based on the United States’ purported commitment to freedom and fairness. The question of recognition ultimately became a test of the Open Door Policy, which the students interpreted as a U.S. guarantee of Chinese sovereignty. This article provides a fresh interpretation of the recognition of the Chinese Republic while also reframing the Open Door by linking it to the notion of U.S. exceptionalism.

2000 ◽  
Vol 9 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 85-105
Author(s):  
Steven Hugh Lee

AbstractSince December 1997, the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK), the People’s Republic of China (PRC), the Republic of Korea (ROK), and the United States have met in a series of talks aimed at promoting peace and stability on the Korean peninsula and in the region. According to a November 1998 U.S. Department of Defense report, the discussions have created a “diplomatic venue for reducing tensions and ultimately replacing the Armistice Agreement with a permanent peace settlement.”1 Amidst the tragic human suffering which has occurred in North Korea, there have been some encouraging developments on the peninsula. The 1994 Agreed Framework between the United States and North Korea placed international controls on North Korea’s atomic energy program and cautiously anticipated the normalization of U.S.-DPRK relations. Since assuming power in early 1998, South Korean President Kim Dae Jung has vigorously pursued a policy of engagement with P’yo¨ngyang, known as the “sunshine policy.” Over the past decade, North Korea has also reoriented its foreign policy. In the early 1990s, the regime’s social and economic crisis led to a rethinking of its autarkic economic system. By early 1994, the state had created new free trade zones and relatively open foreign investment laws.2 By complying with the Agreed Framework, the DPRK has also shown a willingness to work with the international community on sensitive issues affecting its internal sovereignty and ability to project power beyond its borders.


Author(s):  
Alison Groppe

Li Yongping is a Taiwan author who rose to literary fame for a collection of interrelated short stories called Retribution: The Jiling Chronicles (吉陵春秋, 1986), considered among the works exemplifying the best of Taiwan modernism. Now a citizen of the Republic of China (Taiwan), Li was born in Kuching, a city in the East Malaysian state of Sarawak, in northwest Borneo. Sarawak became a British crown colony in 1946, and then joined the independent Federation of Malaysia in 1963. Li left Kuching in 1967 to pursue university education in Taiwan, following a route that was and has remained popular with many Chinese Malaysians who, like Li himself, had received some Chinese-language education in Malaysia. Li graduated from National Taiwan University in 1971 and later received postgraduate degrees in the United States. Li relinquished his Malaysian citizenship in 1987. Over the course of his career, Li has published several long novels and collections of short stories and essays; he has also worked as an editor, translator, and professor.


2020 ◽  
pp. 002200941988827
Author(s):  
Pete Millwood

In the early twentieth century, Chinese science flourished, buoyed by the country’s active connections to the global scientific community. No country developed deeper ties to Chinese scientists than the United States (US) – until cooperation ceased after the establishment of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) in 1949. This article examines efforts by American scientists to rebuild a relationship with their Chinese colleagues and to reintegrate China into global science. It traces how a transnational American organization – the Committee on Scholarly Communication with the PRC (CSCPRC) – initially failed but ultimately succeeded in extending the frontier of their epistemic community by reopening China to American scientists. Drawing on records from this non-governmental organization, interpolated with Chinese and US government sources, this article argues that the CSCPRC’s failures and successes depended on how effectively they adapted their scholarly initiative to changing US-China diplomatic ties. Scientists were not beholden to politics, however; indeed, they made a critical contribution to the development of Sino-American diplomacy, helping reestablish official relations in 1978. This article further reveals the transnational origins of China’s opening to the world and subsequent meteoric economic development, as well as the nexus between science and America’s historic ‘Open Door’ policy.


2018 ◽  
Vol 25 (3) ◽  
pp. 263-295
Author(s):  
Keith Allan Clark II

In 1955, Jiang Tingfu, representing the Republic of China (roc), vetoed Mongolia’s entry into the United Nations. In the 26 years the roc represented China in the United Nations, it only cast this one veto. The roc’s veto was a contentious move because Taipei had recognized Mongolia as a sovereign state in 1946. A majority of the world body, including the United States, favored Mongolia’s admission as part of a deal to end the international organization’s deadlocked-admissions problem. The roc’s veto placed it not only in opposition to the United Nations but also its primary benefactor. This article describes the public and private discourse surrounding this event to analyze how roc representatives portrayed the veto and what they thought Mongolian admission to the United Nations represented. It also examines international reactions to Taipei’s claims and veto. It argues that in 1955 Mongolia became a synecdoche for all of China that Taipei claimed to represent, and therefore roc representatives could not acknowledge it as a sovereign state.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document