Negotiating the Cold War: The United States and the Two Koreas

2000 ◽  
Vol 9 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 85-105
Author(s):  
Steven Hugh Lee

AbstractSince December 1997, the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK), the People’s Republic of China (PRC), the Republic of Korea (ROK), and the United States have met in a series of talks aimed at promoting peace and stability on the Korean peninsula and in the region. According to a November 1998 U.S. Department of Defense report, the discussions have created a “diplomatic venue for reducing tensions and ultimately replacing the Armistice Agreement with a permanent peace settlement.”1 Amidst the tragic human suffering which has occurred in North Korea, there have been some encouraging developments on the peninsula. The 1994 Agreed Framework between the United States and North Korea placed international controls on North Korea’s atomic energy program and cautiously anticipated the normalization of U.S.-DPRK relations. Since assuming power in early 1998, South Korean President Kim Dae Jung has vigorously pursued a policy of engagement with P’yo¨ngyang, known as the “sunshine policy.” Over the past decade, North Korea has also reoriented its foreign policy. In the early 1990s, the regime’s social and economic crisis led to a rethinking of its autarkic economic system. By early 1994, the state had created new free trade zones and relatively open foreign investment laws.2 By complying with the Agreed Framework, the DPRK has also shown a willingness to work with the international community on sensitive issues affecting its internal sovereignty and ability to project power beyond its borders.

2020 ◽  
Vol 37 (1) ◽  
pp. 119-139
Author(s):  
Sung Jin Kang

By classifying international green and non-green trade for the period 1980–2015, this study investigates trends in green trade, exports, and imports as shares of total trade, exports, and imports, respectively. The general findings are that these green shares increased during the review period, albeit with the green shares for member countries of the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development showing different trends than those of nonmember countries. Further, three countries at different stages of economic development—the People's Republic of China, the Republic of Korea, and the United States—each exhibit different trends in green trade over time. In particular, the green trade, export, and import shares of the People's Republic of China decreased over time, which is in contrast to the increases observed for the Republic of Korea and the United States during the review period. The findings suggest that efforts to persuade developing countries to accept international agreements to reduce greenhouse gas emissions should also consider the transboundary transmission of these emissions and their health effects.


1992 ◽  
Vol 32 (291) ◽  
pp. 582-588

From September to November 1992 ICRC President Cornelio Sommaruga went on several missions, visiting successively the Republic of Korea, the People's Republic of China, the Democratic People's Republic of Korea, the Council of Europe in Strasbourg, the United Kingdom, Tunisia and the United States.


Author(s):  
Viktoriia Rimovna Britova

The decades since the end of the Cold War, the foreign policy of the Republic of Korea has undergone multiple changes; besides the traditional commitment to maintain and develop relations with its military and political ally – the United States – the new vectors have emerged. . The Korean government turns attention to such directions as: international status of the country; its authority on the world stage; as well as autonomy combined with globalism and autonomy through neutrality. The subject of this research is the foreign policy of the Republic of Kazakhstan at the turn of the XX – XXI centuries. The object is the main foreign policy trends. As a result of the conducted research, the author determines the vectors in foreign policy of the Republic of Korea: orientation towards alliance with the United States; globalism with intention to form new alliances; pursuit of cooperative autonomy; and acquisition of autonomy through neutrality. The article reveals cyclicity in the shift of attitudes depending on the political affiliation of the leader of the country: conservative presidents aim to maintain the alliance, while democratic presidents strive for autonomy. Although, the recent foreign policy vector of the Republic of Korea, which suggests acquisition of autonomy through neutrality, seems impossible due to the existing responsibilities, it remains relevant.


1982 ◽  
Vol 89 ◽  
pp. 74-96 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yu-ming Shaw

Reverend John Leighton Stuart (1876–1962) served as U.S. ambassador to China from July 1946 until August 1949. In the many discussions of his ambassadorship the one diplomatic mission that has aroused the most speculation and debate was his abortive trip to Beijing, contemplated in June–July 1949, to meet with Mao Zedong and Zhou Enlai. Some students of Sino-American relations have claimed that had this trip been made the misunderstanding and subsequent hostility between the United States and the People's Republic of China in the post-1949 period could have been avoided; therefore, the unmaking of this trip constituted another “lost chance in China” in establishing a working relationship between the two countries. But others have thought that given the realities of the Cold War in 1949 and the internal political constraints existing in each country, no substantial result could have been gained from such a trip. Therefore, the thesis of a “lost chance in China” was more an unfounded speculation than a credible affirmation.


2003 ◽  
Vol 12 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 133-153 ◽  
Author(s):  
Guanhua Wang

AbstractThe Cold War was an era of ideological conflict and hostility between socialist and capitalist countries. In this period of intense political animosity, the People's Republic of China (PRC) advocated the ideal of .friendship first. in sport. While the so-called .ping-pong diplomacy. of 1971 is well known because it contributed to détente between the PRC and the United States,1 there has been no comprehensive examination of China's Cold War sports policy as a whole. This study addresses this gap.


Author(s):  
Alexander Zhebin

The article analyzes the prospects for US-North Korean and inter-Korean relations, taking into account the completed policy review of the new US administration towards the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK), as well as the results of the President of the Republic of Korea Moon Jae-in’s trip to Washington in May 2021 and his talks with US President Joe Biden. It is concluded that the “new" course proposed by the United States in relation to the DPRK will not lead to a solution to the nuclear problem of the Korean Peninsula and will interfere with the normalization of inter-Korean relations. During his visit to the US President Moon failed to obtain the US consent on ROK more “independent policy” toward North Korea. In spite of lavish investments into US economy and other concessions, Seoul was forced to promise to coordinate his approaches to the DPRK with US and Japan and support US position on Taiwan straits and South China Sea. The author argues that in the current conditions, the introduction of a regime of arms limitation and arms control in Korea should be a necessary stage on the way to complete denuclearization of the peninsula. The transition to a such method of the settlement of the nuclear problem could lead to the resumption of the negotiation process, mutual concessions, including reductions in the level of military-political confrontation, partial or large-scale lifting of economic sanctions in exchange for North Korea's restrictions of its nuclear weapon and missile systems.


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