SIBERIAN ABORIGINALS IN THE POLITICAL AND ADMINISTRATIVE SYSTEM OF THE EMPIRE IN THE XVIII-XX CENTURIES

1983 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 379-399
Author(s):  
Hong Lysa

When King Chulalongkorn surveyed his realm on his second coronation in 1873 to mark the termination of the five-year regency at his coming of age, he saw much that was in need of reform. The king's assessment was that the monarch was but a figurehead; the existing framework of government was actually run by the leading nobility, foremost of whom were the regent and his family who wielded power based on their long dominance over the key administrative posts and the economic benefits that accrued from their official positions. From Chulalongkorn's viewpoint, the regent's family, which reached the pinnacle of its power during the regency of Chuang Bunnag (1868–73), dominated the bureaucracy, in effect controlled the administration of the country, and enriched itself with great facility at the expense of the king and the country. Through the political patronage that they extended to the tax farmers, the officials had assumed control of the tax farming system, the most pervasive method of revenue collection that was employed in the kingdom since the Third Reign. The germ of King Chulalongkorn's historic reform of the administrative system, restructured along rational, functional lines, thus lay in his desire to regain control over the government and economy, which had been gradually slipping out of the Crown's grip since the reign of his father, King Mongkut. The king was determined not to allow the situation to persist where substantial revenue from the tax farms was being channelled into the coffers of the leading noble families and the tax farmers themselves, to the detriment of the state.


2019 ◽  
Vol 18 (10) ◽  
pp. 41-50
Author(s):  
Dmitriy E. Borisov

Later Han 後漢 termination in the 220 AD was a result of multiple crises, one aspect of which had been the political bankruptcy of the emperor and his loyalists. A turbulent and war-torn period, which started from the rebellion of the Yellow Turbans in 184 AD, has been a topic of discussion for many years ever since the Jin 晉empire. Although in the last years approaches to studies of the Later Han differ, there are three key historiographical ideas: the final years of the Later Han are discussed as a part of the Later Han, as a part of the Three Kingdoms era 三國 or are included into both periods. This case study is an attempt to show the possibility of a different approach and treat the period of 184–220 AD as a transition between Han and Wei empires, according to information about the local administrative appointments which can be found in the first chapter of San-guo zhi 三國志, being a biography of the most important statesman of this period – Cao Cao 曹操.The accounts, which can be found in his biography, indicate that Cao Cao's appointments did not precisely follow the traditions of the Later Han administrative system, but neither were they in full agreement with the ideas, which were later implemented during the Wei-Jin Nan-beichao period. His conduct was much more pragmatic than that of other Later Han statesmen, but he never ventured as far as his successors did in granting too much power to the local gentry.


Author(s):  
Emiliano Vitti

At the end of September 1939 Polish Campaign opened the Second World War and Germans took control of their portion of territory, according to the German-Soviet agrements of August-September 1939, giving it a juridical, institutional and socialeconomic structure subject to the Reich, with specific functions and aims, as the reorganization of the administrative system through the institution of the General Government of Poland. Nevertheless, every historiographical reflection cannot be separated from the survey of Governor Hans Frank’s role. His position was in fact relevant owing to his cultural and professional education, his loyalty to Hitler, his personal uncertainties, his role of First Reich’s Jurist and private Hitler’s lawyer, before becoming Governor of Poland. The need of a management of Poland with SS caused frictions and jurisdiction conflicts, both at the political-institutional and on a personal level with some of the main responsible officials on behalf of Heinrich Himmler. The analisys of these atypical territorial entity through an approach which was technically correct before humanitarian is basic to understand inner workings and to try to produce a framework of the system as complete as possible about the administration of these sui generis “State”.


2019 ◽  
Vol 14 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 72-91
Author(s):  
Dušan Bajagić

The method of quantitative and qualitative analysis of primary documents (laws and by-laws) made it possible to study the administration and nature of the management of institutions of higher education under the jurisdiction of the Ministry of Education. This is the University of Belgrade (BU), as well as the University (ZU) and the high schools in Zagreb. The findings of the survey confirmed that, in the context of the pluralism of legal systems that remained in the Kingdom SHS (KSHS), these two centers of higher education, each of which had special autonomous rights, were different administrative systems. BU as a whole was formed and developed in the period before WWI. At the same time, in the KSHS more attention was paid to the creation and development of individual faculties. So, BU took the form of an autonomous, integrated and self-sufficient administrative system, which independently chose its own authorities and carried out all the tasks before it. ZU consisting of three faculties had been developing for half a century in Austria-Hungary. In accordance with the territorial and political autonomy of the region, Croatia and Slavonia ZU embodied the model of territorial-functional administrative system. It was governed by the political power – the land government / regional administration, as well as the ban / regional governor. Their interrelated and interdependent authorities covered most of the cases and tasks that accompanied the work of the memory and higher schools. Within the framework of the KSHS, in just over six years, ZU, which grew out as a result of the opening of three new faculties and three higher schools, became an autonomous system of management.


Author(s):  
Jón Viðar Sigurðsson

This chapter assesses how the political development changed the political culture and reduced the importance of friendship. Friendship lost much of its significance in Iceland when the country became part of the Norwegian realm. The new administrative system turned the chieftain's role upside down. Chieftains now got their power from the king, who, in turn, got his power ostensibly from God. This meant that the chieftains no longer needed to build up their power base from below through protection, feasting, and gifts to householders. Now, as the king's officials, the chieftains were to prosecute the householders and possibly punish them, not help them in their conflicts.


Author(s):  
Emiliano Vitti

At the end of September 1939 Polish Campaign opened the Second World War and Germans took control of their portion of territory, according to the German-Soviet agrements of August-September 1939, giving it a juridical, institutional and socialeconomic structure subject to the Reich, with specific functions and aims, as the reorganization of the administrative system through the institution of the General Government of Poland. Nevertheless, every historiographical reflection cannot be separated from the survey of Governor Hans Frank’s role. His position was in fact relevant owing to his cultural and professional education, his loyalty to Hitler, his personal uncertainties, his role of First Reich’s Jurist and private Hitler’s lawyer, before becoming Governor of Poland. The need of a management of Poland with SS caused frictions and jurisdiction conflicts, both at the political-institutional and on a personal level with some of the main responsible officials on behalf of Heinrich Himmler. The analisys of these atypical territorial entity through an approach which was technically correct before humanitarian is basic to understand inner workings and to try to produce a framework of the system as complete as possible about the administration of these sui generis “State”.


1919 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 17-46 ◽  
Author(s):  
James W. Garner

For some years prior to the outbreak of the great war the proposed reorganization of the administrative system of France occupied a leading place among the questions of French internal politics. It provoked a flood of discussion in parliament; it was the subject of investigation and report by various parliamentary, extra-parliamentary and inter-ministerial commissions; it was dwelt upon regularly in the annual reports on the budget; it was a standing subject of discussion by the functionaries in their associations and by the political parties in their annual congresses; it was responsible for a vast output of literature in the form of books, brochures and articles; and it occupied a conspicuous place in the declaration of each incoming ministry upon taking office. In the parliamentary election campaign of 1910 no other question, except proportional representation, was so widely discussed by the candidates.


2017 ◽  
Vol 65 (2) ◽  
pp. 165-182
Author(s):  
Bernadette Connaughton

Abstract Ministerial advisers were first formally appointed as support for individual Irish ministers in 1973, and since then their numbers and tasks have considerably expanded. As ‘temporary civil servants’, they are regarded as both an accepted and criticised feature of executive government. This article focuses on the role of political staff during the period 2011-16 and centres on the period of the economic crisis and its immediate aftermath. It considers themes arising in the international literature that raise questions for the reform of the Irish ‘special adviser’. In order to unpack the specifics of the Irish case, the position and function of special advisers are explored through two theoretical perspectives - public adviser bargains and the core executive. It is argued that the special adviser continues to fit somewhat uneasily within the imperatives of the political-administrative system because they are personally appointed by ministers and their selection is determined by the level and type of support required by individual ministers, as opposed to any preordained skills set.


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