Friendship Loses Its Power

Author(s):  
Jón Viðar Sigurðsson

This chapter assesses how the political development changed the political culture and reduced the importance of friendship. Friendship lost much of its significance in Iceland when the country became part of the Norwegian realm. The new administrative system turned the chieftain's role upside down. Chieftains now got their power from the king, who, in turn, got his power ostensibly from God. This meant that the chieftains no longer needed to build up their power base from below through protection, feasting, and gifts to householders. Now, as the king's officials, the chieftains were to prosecute the householders and possibly punish them, not help them in their conflicts.

2019 ◽  
pp. 31-49
Author(s):  
أ.عمر عبد الله مرزوقي ◽  
أ.م.فايزة ميلود صحراوي

In light of what constitutes the cultural factor from a great importance in the context of the incorporation of an active and participant civil society in the process of democracy- building and the achievement of political development, this article tries to look at the concept of the political culture and the civil society with the stand on the nature of existing relationship between them in its theoretical part, then the move to dissection of the civil society crisis in Algeria under the prevalent cultural values for understanding the relationship between the two variables in its empirical part, as a step towards the detection on the pivoting of democratic values in activating the political participation and attainment the democratic consolidation phase.


Sains Insani ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 67-74
Author(s):  
Ilyas Abdullah ◽  
Jamaie Hamil ◽  
Sity Daud

This study is about the political culture of the Malays. It discusses the changes in the political culture of the Malays in Terengganu manifested after the occurrence of an event of dismissal of Deputy Prime Minister and Deputy President of UMNO who was Anwar Ibrahim on 2 September 1998. The dismissal has produced a wave of resistance in particular from Malays who disclosed this item for a period of time relatively long until and after the general elections of 1999. General Election 1999 has been highlighting a shift support from UMNO to opposition parties that is so obvious. UMNO suffered the worst performance in the election. This study is also done based on the occurrence of the pattern of voting uncertainty shown in four series of the last elections in Terengganu from 1999 until 2013. This is because the convergence of two Islam-Malay based parties namely UMNO and PAS are very intense. Based on election results post 10th General Election shows that the Terengganu State is no longer secure to any political party contesting the election. Each party is seen to have a chance of a balance to form Government in Terengganu. Findings show that development can act as catalyst for the formation of Malay political culture prior and post 10th General Election. In the post 10th General Election, the Malay communities are aware that development does not suggest that people live in comfort but justice should come together. Other than that, the Malay community in Terengganu do not only uphold the values of Islam, Malay and development but they also embrace other values that can keep pace with current political development. Thus, the need for other values such as justice in new politics is indispensable for political transformation. Keywords: Transformation, Political Culture, Malay Political Culture, New Politics. ABSTRAK: Kajian ini adalah satu kajian mengenai budaya politik Melayu. Ia membincangkan transformasi budaya politik masyarakat Melayu di Terengganu yang dimanifestasikan selepas terjadinya peristiwa pemecatan Anwar Ibrahim pada 2 September 1998. Pemecatan tersebut telah melahirkan satu gelombang penentangan masyarakat Melayu Terengganu terhadap UMNO-BN. Penentangan tersebut dapat dilihat menerusi anjakan sokongan masyarakat Melayu daripada UMNO-BN kepada parti oposisi yang lain dengan begitu jelas khususnya PAS. UMNO telah mengalami prestasi terburuknya dalam pilihan raya tersebut. Kajian ini juga dilakukan berdasarkan kepada berlakunya pola ketidaktentuan pengundian yang ditunjukkan dalam empat siri pilihan raya yang terakhir di Terengganu melibatkan PRU tahun 1999, 2004, 2008 dan PRU tahun 2013. Hal ini kerana pertembungan dua parti Melayu-Islam utama iaitu UMNO dan PAS sangat sengit. Keputusan pilihan raya pasca PRU-10 menunjukkan bahawa Terengganu bukan lagi menjadi negeri selamat buat mana-mana parti politik yang bertanding. Setiap parti dilihat mempunyai peluang yang seimbang untuk membentuk kerajaan di Terengganu. Hasil kajian menunjukan bahawa pembangunan merupakan faktor utama yang mempengaruhi pembentukan budaya politik Melayu di Terengganu sebelum dan selepas PRU ke-10. Namun begitu pasca PRU ke-10 masyarakat Melayu mula melihat bahawa pembangunan bukan lagi semata-mata mengecapi nikmat keselesaan malahan mesti turut disepadukan dengan prinsip keadilan. Pengundi berkecenderungan untuk bertindak dengan memberikan tindakbalas yang negatif kepada kerajaan sekiranya dasar atau pembangunan yang dibawa oleh kerajaan tidak memberikan hasil atau faedah ekonomi kepada pengundi dan sebaliknya. Selain itu juga masyarakat Melayu Terengganu juga tidak lagi hanya mementingkan nilai-nilai yang berkait dengan ketuanan Melayu, Islam dan pembangunan semata-mata malahan telah mengambil satu nilai yang baru selaras dengan perkembangan politik semasa. Keperluan terhadap nilai-nilai dalam politik baru seperti keadilan adalah releven dan diterima serta mempengaruhi transformasi budaya politik mereka. Kata kunci: Transformasi, Budaya Politik, Budaya Politik Melayu, Budaya Politik Baru.  


Author(s):  
Svitlana Bulbeniuk

The article examines the features of manifestations of populism in Poland, Hungary, Romania, Bulgaria and Ukraine. The origins of right and left populism in these countries are investigated. The activities of populist leaders and political parties, their influence on the political development of each country are analyzed. It is shown that the triumph of populism in most countries is associated with the crisis of traditional politics and the disappointment of citizens in the systemic political forces. The author substantiates the conclusion that the formation of a developed political culture of an activist type can become effective in countering the spread of populism.


1997 ◽  
Vol 30 (2) ◽  
pp. 107-127 ◽  
Author(s):  
James Alexander

This article examines the expanding body of Western research focusing on Russian political culture. As Russia emerges from its authoritarian past, the political transition enveloping the country carries important significance for the study of political development in “post-authoritarian” societies. Upon finding a “formless” representation of Russian political culture in survey results, this article raises questions about the use of quantitative surveys to examine this topic in a society still in flux. The article concludes with a brief recommendation for an alternative approach to political culture research in Russia.


2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (4) ◽  
pp. 45-69
Author(s):  
Benoit Challand ◽  
Joshua Rogers

This paper provides an historical exploration of local governance in Yemen across the past sixty years. It highlights the presence of a strong tradition of local self-rule, self-help, and participation “from below” as well as the presence of a rival, official, political culture upheld by central elites that celebrates centralization and the strong state. Shifts in the predominance of one or the other tendency have coincided with shifts in the political economy of the Yemeni state(s). When it favored the local, central rulers were compelled to give space to local initiatives and Yemen experienced moments of political participation and local development.


2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 192-207
Author(s):  
Juliette Barbera

For decades, both incarceration and research on the topic have proliferated. Disciplines within the Western sciences have studied the topic of incarceration through their respective lenses. Decades of data reflect trends and consequences of the carceral state, and based on that data the various disciplines have put forth arguments as to how the trends and consequences are of relevance to their respective fields of study. The research trajectory of incarceration research, however, overlooks the assumptions behind punishment and control and their institutionalization that produce and maintain the carceral state and its study. This omission of assumptions facilitates a focus on outcomes that serve to reinforce Western perspectives, and it contributes to the overall stagnation in the incarceration research produced in Western disciplines. An assessment of the study of the carceral state within the mainstream of American Political Development in the political science discipline provides an example of how the research framework contributes to the overall stagnation, even though the framework of the subfield allows for an historical institutionalization perspective. The theoretical perspectives of Cedric J. Robinson reveal the limits of Western lenses to critically assess the state. The alternative framework he provides to challenge the limits imposed on research production by Western perspectives applies to the argument presented here concerning the limitations that hamper the study of the carceral state.


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