SAFE MOTHERHOOD

PEDIATRICS ◽  
1990 ◽  
Vol 86 (3) ◽  
pp. A89-A89
Author(s):  
J. F. L.

In the United States, the US Agency for International Development (USAID) has decided to fund project MotherCare, which is aimed at enhancing the services and educational programme that have a significant impact on maternal and neonatal health and nutrition. The work is being carried out by John Snow Incorporated in Washington DC and will include five projects in different countries to demonstrate the efficacy of various interventions, such as improvements in the nutrition of newborn babies, as well as the prevention and treatment of disorders known to be important to maternal and neonatal mortality and morbidity. The MotherCare project will also introduce research and training initiatives in a number of countries. For those interested in researching a practical approach to reducing maternal mortality, the Safe Motherhood Operational Research programme is offering funding for government and non-governmental organisations in developing countries.1

2021 ◽  
pp. 205789112110581
Author(s):  
Julius Cesar I. Trajano

The Philippines’ humanitarian norms and frameworks have evolved from focusing on humanitarian assistance and disaster relief to more pro-active disaster preparedness, enhancing community resilience and empowered participation of local and grassroots actors. The US-Philippines security alliance has evolved in line with these developments and needs to be understood more holistically and not be limited to providing humanitarian assistance and disaster relief through sending foreign military assets in times of disasters. This article argues that the non-traditional aspect of the US-Philippines bilateral alliance is not intended to underplay the role of the US military, but highlights the importance of the private sector, humanitarian NGOs, and the US Agency for International Development (USAID) in deepening and broadening the security alliance.


2018 ◽  
Vol 23 (10) ◽  
pp. 2086
Author(s):  
Fang Shiang Lim ◽  
Shih Keng Loong ◽  
Jing Jing Khoo ◽  
Kim Kee Tan ◽  
Nurhafiza Zainal ◽  
...  

AcknowledgmentsThis study was supported in parts by the research grants from University of Malaya, under the Research University Grants (RU016-2015) and (RU005-2017), and the Malaysia One Health University Network (MyOHUN) Seed Fund Award (MY/NCO/ACT/P001/SEEDFUND) provided by the United States Agency for International Development (USAID). 


Author(s):  
Charles Luke ◽  
Chris Bowers ◽  
Alex Willard

This chapter discusses the strategic value of landpower in Humanitarian Assistance and Disaster Relief (HA/DR) operations. When disasters occur that are significant enough to derail/delay political agendas, the US government depends on landpower's unique capabilities to support the lead federal agency, the US Agency for International Development. The authors use three disaster relief operations case studies (the 2010 earthquake in Haiti, the 2014 Ebola outbreak in Liberia, and the 2013 Super Typhoon Haiyan in the Philippines) to illuminate the Army's core roles in HA/DR success. Lastly, the chapter discusses the secondary benefits of successful HA/DR operations like enhancing interoperability among joint, interagency, and multinational partners, assuring partners and allies, and reinforcing the strategic narrative of US power.


Author(s):  
Patrick Cullen

The United States' diplomatic security apparatus that operates today from Washington DC to Iraq and Afghanistan is uniquely massive. It is incomparable in its size, budget, degree of institutionalization, and level of sophistication when set against both other nations as well as its own humble origins in WWI. To understand why this is so, the first half of this chapter historically maps and causally explains how, and why, US diplomatic security has been transformed over the course of its modern hundred-year history. The second half provides an empirically rich study of the various roles and functions of the State Department's Bureau of Diplomatic Security and the US military units that protect the US diplomatic mission.


2017 ◽  
Vol 36 (4) ◽  
pp. 719-738 ◽  
Author(s):  
Wesley Attewell

Emerging critical scholarship on logistics has shown how the field is implicated in a broader necropolitics of violence, disposability, and exploitation. While much has been made of logistics’ historical linkages to military and market forces, this paper, in contrast, explores how logisticians have played an increasingly central role in development and humanitarian missions to theatres of conflict and emergency. It focuses on the effort of the United States Agency for International Development (USAID) to supply mujahideen forces in Soviet-occupied Afghanistan with the non-lethal materiel necessary for their insurgency. It argues that USAID understood its relief and rehabilitation mission as a problem of logistics. By sketching the shifting contours of USAID’s cross-border programming, this article offers a more nuanced diagnosis of how logistics has become essential to the management of life and death across multiple temporalities, spaces, and scales.


2018 ◽  
Vol 50 (3) ◽  
pp. 513-536 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bridget L. Guarasci

AbstractThis article analyzes the restoration of Jordan's UN Dana Biosphere Reserve cottages for ecotourism and home building in the neighboring village of Qadisiyya as competing land projects. Whereas a multimillion-dollar endowment from the United States Agency for International Development (USAID) restores Dana's houses as a “heritage” village for a tourist economy, families in Qadisiyya build houses with income from provisional labor to shore up a familial future. Each act of home building articulates a political claim to land. This article argues for attention to the architecture of the environment in the comparison of two, once-related villages. A comparative analysis of Dana and Qadisiyya reveals the competing socio-political objectives of home building for the future of Jordan and the implications of environment in that struggle.


Author(s):  
Dafydd Townley

The Watergate affair has become synonymous with political corruption and conspiracy. The crisis has, through fact, fiction, and debate, become considerably more than the arrest of five men breaking into the Democratic Party’s national headquarters in the Watergate complex in Washington DC in the early hours of Saturday, June 17, 1972. Instead, the term “Watergate” has since come to represent the burglary, its failed cover-up, the press investigation, the Senate enquiry, and the eventual resignation of the thirty-seventh president of the United States, Richard Nixon. Arguably, Watergate has come to encompass all the illegalities of the Nixon administration. The crisis broke when the Vietnam War had already sunk public confidence in the executive to a low ebb, and in the context of a society already fractured by the turbulence of the 1960s. As such, Watergate is seen as the nadir of American democracy in the 20th century. Perversely, despite contemporaries’ genuine fears for the future of the US democratic system, the scandal highlighted the efficiency of the US governmental machine. The investigations that constituted the Watergate enquiry, which were conducted by the legislative and judicial branches and the fourth estate, exposed corruption in the executive of the United States that stretched to the holder of the highest office. The post-war decades had allowed an imperial presidency to develop, which had threatened the country’s political equilibrium. Watergate disclosed that the presidency had overreached its constitutional powers and responsibilities and had conspired to keep those moves hidden from the electorate. More significantly, however, the forced resignation of Richard Nixon revealed that the checks-and-balances system of government, which was conceived almost 200 years before the Watergate affair, worked as those who devised it had planned. Watergate should illustrate to Americans not just the dangers of consolidating great power in the office of the president, but also the means to counteract such growth.


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