scholarly journals A pericentric Punta del Este: Cuba’s failed attempt to join the Latin American Free Trade Area (LAFTA) and the limits of Brazil’s independent foreign policy

Author(s):  
Felipe Pereira Loureiro ◽  
Hamilton de Carvalho Gomes Jr ◽  
Rebeca Guerreiro Antunes Braga
2020 ◽  
pp. 35-39
Author(s):  
Andrei Martynov ◽  
Sergey Asaturov

The European Union has met Donald Trump's presidency in a crisis, caused by Britain's exit, quarrels over migration policy and prospects for European integration. Trump has abandoned a project to create a transatlantic free trade area. He demanded a one-sided trade advantage for the United States. The rejection of the liberal project of multilateral foreign policy contributed to the deepening of contradictions between the EU and the US in the field of trade, environment, the regime of international disarmament treaties, the algorithm for resolving regional conflicts. The Trump era in US foreign policy was a time of abandoning liberal globalism. But it is impossible to realize this task in one cadence. The question is whether it is possible for Democrats to fully restore liberal globalism in equal cooperation with the European Union.Trump has abandoned the project of a transatlantic free trade area between the United States and the European Union. This shocked the European elites. Differences in approaches to world trade contributed to the coolness. The European Union is promoting a liberal approach. Trump insisted on the priority of the patronage of American interests. As a result, the tradition of relationships has suffered. Until 2017, the United States bought European goods and paid the most to the NATO budget. Trump demanded trade parity and more European funding for NATO. European elites perceived Trump's approach to migration issues as unacceptable. Trump's policy on international conflicts has become another reason for mutual misunderstanding. Trump recognized Jerusalem as the capital of Israel and helped establish diplomatic relations between Israel and the United Arab Emirates. This has become a challenge for the European Union's Middle East policy.


Author(s):  
Jürgen Rüland

With the “leadership frame,” the chapter unearths a new interpretive frame of the Charter from 2009 onward, suggesting a gradual return of extant ideas of Indonesian foreign policymaking. The chapter also scrutinizes the internalization of the new EU-inspired ideas of regionalism. The litmus tests were events in which the territorial and economic sovereignty of Indonesia was challenged, such as the disputes with Malaysia over maritime borders and the ASEAN-China Free Trade Area. The response to these events showed that most stakeholders except civil society threw overboard many of the liberal-cosmopolitan values associated with European regional integration. Last, the chapter examines whether this ideational reversal continued under the Jokowi government and suggests that the latter did not abruptly break with the foreign policy of his predecessor. Many of the seemingly new Jokowi policies had their roots in the second term of the Yudhoyono presidency.


1961 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 206-207 ◽  

The seventeenth session of the contracting parties to the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) was held in Geneva from October 31 to November 19, 1960, under the chairmanship of Mr. Edmundo Penna Barbosa da Silva (Brazil). One of the main items of discussion was regional economic integration, considered in terms of the European Free Trade Association (EFTA), the proposed Latin American free trade area, and the European Economic Community (EEC). Examination of the Stockholm Convention establishing EFTA, begun at the sixteenth session, was resumed, with the contracting parties concluding that the provisions concerning the setting up, within the time limit set forth in the convention, of a free trade area were within the definition of such an area, as contained in Article XXIV of GATT. Delegates felt, however, that there remained some legal and practical issues which could be more fruitfully discussed in the light of experience of the operation of the convention, and thus welcomed the willingness of EFTA members to furnish additional information as the organization evolved. In examining the Montevideo Treaty proposing a Latin American free trade area, delegates reached much the same conclusions. In response to the report on developments within EEC, particularly with regard to tariffs, delegates expressed a desire to receive details on the common agricultural policy of the Community, and raised queries as to the harmful effect of the Community's progressively favorable treatment of the associated territories on the trade of certain outside countries with EEC.


2021 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 120-131
Author(s):  
A. V. Toropygin

The article is devoted to the analysis of the Serbia — EAEU relations development through the prism of the Agreement on the Free Trade Area (FTA) — between the integration association and the separate economy / country. The purpose of this study is to identify the prospects of the FTA taking into account Serbia’s desire to integrate into the European Union. The author come to the conclusion that intensive interaction, primarily between Serbia and Russia through the FTA between Serbia and the EAEU, is explained, on the one hand, by Serbia’s multi-vector foreign policy, and, on the other hand, by Russia’s attentive attitude to the course of the conflict over Kosovo. Russia has economic interests in this region, as well as the region is people-related value for Russia within which it has used and will intensively utilize of soft power mechanisms.


2002 ◽  
Vol 44 (04) ◽  
pp. 127-151 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard E. Feinberg

Abstract With remarkable success, Latin Americans have sought to impose their free trade policy agenda on a very reluctant and internally fractious United States. They have an ally in President George W. Bush, whose senior appointments notably support hemispheric trade integration even as political pressures sometimes have yielded protectionist outcomes. Bush's trade negotiator, Robert Zoellick, pursues a doctrine of competitive liberalization while accepting some linkage between trade and social and political goals. In negotiating the Free Trade Area of the Americas (FTAA), the administration will have to balance many domestic pressures without alienating Latin America. Ultimately, FTAA ratification will signal a new Western Hemisphere economic-security alliance for the twenty-first century.


World Economy ◽  
1999 ◽  
Vol 22 (6) ◽  
pp. 783-797 ◽  
Author(s):  
José M. Salazar‐Xirinachs ◽  
José Tavares de Araujo Jr

2016 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 0-0
Author(s):  
Максим Залоило ◽  
Maksim Zaloilo ◽  
Елена Рафалюк ◽  
Elena Rafalyuk

The article is devoted to the comparative analysis of the concept, types and forms of Eurasian and Latin-American integration associations. On the authors’ mind the integration association is the group of states united on the basis of an international treaty to achieve the integration goals. It is proposed to distinguish between the integration associations of the coordination and supranational types. According to the identified features of each of the indicated types of integration associations the authors conclude that the Organization of American States is the union of the coordination type, the MERCOSUR is in transition from coordination to supranational integration association, in the Andean Community the supranational model is implemented, and the Eurasian Economic Union tends to the supranational association. It is noted that integration associations can be also classified depending on the different forms of economic integration (free trade area, customs union, common market, economic union, etc.). The main forms of the Latin-American economic integration are free trade area and customs union, while the common market is still developing. The forms of the Eurasian economic integration are the customs union, the common economic space, forming common market. A trend of formation of new forms and types of inter-state integration associations and cooperation between them, particularly in the form of a mega-association (Union of South American Nations) is revealed. The ways of further development of the integration associations in Latin America and Eurasia are marked.


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