scholarly journals An English Poetic Rhapsodic Vision of The Spanish Civil War: An Intertextual Analysis of Roy Campbell’s Poetic Oeuvre

2020 ◽  
Vol 27 ◽  
pp. 9-24
Author(s):  
Luis Javier Conejero-Magro
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Political Ideology ◽  
Spanish Civil War ◽  
Modern Literature ◽  
Morality Play ◽  
Stephen Spender ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Way

This article revisits and re-examines Roy Campbell’s poems inspired by the Spanish Civil War: Flowering Rifle, Talking Bronco and “A Letter from the San Mateo Front”. The studies carried out by Esteban Pujals (1959), Stephen Spender (1980) and Bernd Dietz (1985) reflect the scarcity of research about Campbell’s warlike poems. The methodology used in this article aims to develop a better understanding of Campbell’s war images and literary references to the Spanish conflict, by analysing them in the light of the poet’s own political ideology. Campbell presents a paean to the ‘Nationalist’ leadership and this exaggerated idealising of the rebels and their deeds contrasts with the way he denigrates those in favour of the Republic. The article concludes that this exaggerated feat transforms most of these poetic works into quasi-Manichaean pamphlets resembling more a morality play than a work of modern literature.

scholarly journals El ideario político de Roy Campbell y la representación de la Guerra Civil española en su obra poética*

2013 ◽  
pp. 87-103
Author(s):  
Luis Javier Conejero Magro
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Political Ideology ◽  
Spanish Civil War ◽  
Poetic Representation ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Degree Of Degradation

In this article, Roy Campbell’s poems inspired by the Spanish Civil War are revisited and re-examined. Their war images and literary references to this conflict are analysed in the light of the poet’s own political ideology. The conclusion is that the contrast between the exaggerated idealisation to which the rebels and their deeds are subjected, and the degree of degradation that those in favour of the Republic reach in their poetic representation is such that it transforms most of its lines into a quasi-Manichean or moralityplaylike pamphlet

scholarly journals ΜΙΑ ΔΙΚΤΑΤΟΡΙΑ ΠΟΥ ΔΕΝ ΕΙΝΑΙ ΔΙΚΤΑΤΟΡΙΑ. ΟΙ ΙΣΠΑΝΟΙ ΕΘΝΙΚΙΣΤΕΣ ΚΑΙ Η 4η ΑΥΓΟΥΣΤΟΥ

Μνήμων ◽  
2004 ◽  
Vol 26 ◽  
pp. 157
Author(s):  
ΚΩΝΣΤΑΝΤΙΝΟΣ ΚΑΤΣΟΥΔΑΣ
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Spanish Civil War ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Foreign Countries ◽  
Republican Government ◽  
Foreign Governments ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Institutional Model ◽  
The Right ◽  
The Way

<p>Konstantinos Katsoudas, "<em>A Dictatorship that is not a Dictatorship". Spanish Nationalists and the 4th of August</em></p> <p>The Spanish Civil War convulsed the international public opinion and prompted most foreign governments to take measures or even intervene in the conflict. Greek entanglement either in the form of smuggling war materiel or the participation of Greek volunteers in the International Brigades has already been investigated. However, little is known about a second dimension of this internationalization of the war: the peculiar forms that the antagonism between the two belligerent camps in foreign countries took. This paper, based mainly on Spanish archival sources, discusses some aspects of the activity developed in Greece by Franco's nationalists and the way Francoist diplomats and emissaries perceived the nature of an apparently similar regime, such as the dictatorship led by general Metaxas. The main objectives of the Francoist foreign policy were to avoid any escalation of the Spanish civil war into a world conflict, to secure international assistance for the right-wing forces and to undermine the legitimacy of the legal Republican government. In Greece, an informal diplomatic civil war broke out since Francoists occupied the Spanish Legation in Athens and Republicans took over the Consulate in Thessaloniki. The Francoists combined public and undercover activity: they worked hard to achieve an official recognition of their <em>Estado Nuevo, </em>while at the same time created rings of espionage and channels of anticommunist propaganda. The reason of their partial breakthroughs was that, contrary to their Republican enemies, the Nationalists enjoyed support by a significant part of the Greek political world, which was ideologically identified with their struggle. Francoist anti-communism had some interesting implications for Greek politics. An important issue was the Francoist effort to reveal a supposed Moscow-based conspiracy against Spain and Greece, both considered as hotbeds of revolution in the Mediterranean, in order to justify both Franco's extermination campaign and Metaxas' coup. Although this effort was based on fraudulent documents, forged by an anti-Bolshevik international organization, it became the cornerstone of Francoist and Metaxist propaganda. General Metaxas was the only European dictator to invoke the Spanish Civil War as a <em>raison d'etre </em>of his regime and often warned against the repetition of Spanish-like drama on Greek soil. Nevertheless he did not approve of Franco's methods and preferred Dr. Salazar's Portugal as an institutional model closer to his vision. For Spanish nationalist observers this was a sign of weakness. They interpreted events in Greece through the disfiguring mirror of their own historic experience: thus, although they never called in question Metaxas' authoritarian motives, the 4th of August regime was considered too mild and soft compared to Francoism (whose combativeness and fanaticism, as they suggested, the Greek General should have imitated); it reminded them the dictatorship founded in Spain by General Primo de Rivera in 1920s, whose inadequacy paved the way for the advent of the Republic and the emergence of sociopolitical radicalism. Incidents of the following years, as Greece moved towards a civil confrontation, seemed to strengthen their views.</p>

Local Government, Passive Defense and Aerial Bombardment in Barcelona during the Spanish Civil War, 1936–9

2021 ◽  
pp. 002200942199789
Author(s):  
David A. Messenger
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Local Government ◽  
Spanish Civil War ◽  
Regular Feature ◽  
The Public ◽  
Republican Government ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Civilian Defense ◽  
Regional Authorities

The bombardment of civilians from the air was a regular feature of the Spanish Civil War from 1936 to 1939. It is estimated some 15,000 Spaniards died as a result of air bombings during the Civil War, most civilians, and 11,000 were victims of bombing from the Francoist side that rebelled against the Republican government, supported by German and Italian aviation that joined the rebellion against the Republic. In Catalonia alone, some 1062 municipalities experienced aerial bombardments by the Francoist side of the civil war. In cities across Spain, municipal and regional authorities developed detailed plans for civilian defense in response to these air campaigns. In Barcelona, the municipality created the Junta Local de Defensa Passiva de Barcelona, to build bomb shelters, warn the public of bombings, and educate them on how to protect themselves against aerial bombardment. They mobilized civilians around the concept of ‘passive defense.’ This proactive response by civilians and local government to what they recognized as a war targeting them is an important and under-studied aspect of the Spanish Civil War.

The Second Spanish Republic in soviet and russian studies: specificity, problems, interpretations

2021 ◽  
Vol 32 (1) ◽  
pp. 324-368
Author(s):  
Ekaterina Grantseva ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Spanish Civil War ◽  
Soviet Period ◽  
Second Republic ◽  
Interdisciplinary Approaches ◽  
Second Spanish Republic ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Cultural Dialogue ◽  
Ideological Attitudes

For many years, representatives of Soviet and then Russian historical science paid special attention to the period of the Second Spanish Republic and, especially, to the events of 1936-1939. The Spanish Civil War was and remains a topic that attracts the attention of specialists and influences the development of a multifaceted Russian-Spanish cultural dialogue. There are significantly fewer works on the peaceful years of the Republic, which is typical not only for domestic science, but also for the historiography of this period as a whole. Four key periods can be distinguished in the formation of the national historiography of the Spanish Republic. The first is associated with the existence of the Republic itself and is distinguished by significant political engagement. The second opens after 1956 and combines the continuity with respect to the period of the 1930s. and, at the same time, striving for objectivity, developing methodology and expanding the source base. The third stage is associated with the period of the 1970s-1980s, the time of the restoration of diplomatic relations between the USSR and Spain, as well as the active interaction of historians of the two countries. The fourth stage, which lasted thirty years, was the time of the formation of the Russian historiography of the Second Republic, which sought to get rid of the ideological attitudes that left a significant imprint on the research of the Soviet period. This time is associated with the active archival work of researchers and the publication of sources, the expansion of topics, interdisciplinary approaches. Among the studies of the history of the Second Republic outside Spain, Russian historiography has a special place due to the specifics of Soviet-Spanish relations during the Civil War, and the archival funds in our country, and the traditions of Russian historical Spanish studies, and the preservation of republican memory.

Conclusion

2020 ◽  
pp. 171-182
Author(s):  
Montse Feu
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Civil War ◽  
Spanish Civil War ◽  
Political Identity ◽  
The United States ◽  
Transnational Ties ◽  
The Way

Fighting Fascist Spain connects some of the major figures of the Spanish Civil War exile with lesser-known actors, making their contributions more visible. While fascism ruled in Spain, España Libre’s authors cultivated a rich set of tools that interrogated the way fascist power operates. The underlying premise of this work is that the Confederadas’ antifascist solidarity was rooted in a cultural realm shaped by a complex web of political and cultural heritages that Spanish immigrants brought with them and were further reinforced by allies in the United States, which in turn built local and transnational antifascist communities. There are interlocking aspects that define España Libre’s cultural and political identity: its self-educated workers, its anarchist adaptability to exile, its transnational ties, its organized solidarity, and its transformative culture and humor.

scholarly journals Disloyalty and Logics of Fratricide in Civil War: Executions of Officers in Republican Spain, 1936-1939

2018 ◽  
Vol 52 (7) ◽  
pp. 1028-1058 ◽  
Author(s):  
Theodore McLauchlin ◽  
Álvaro La Parra-Pérez
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Civil Wars ◽  
Spanish Civil War ◽  
Armed Groups ◽  
Data Set ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
Unique Data ◽  
Political Forces ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Military Politics

Violence within armed groups in civil wars is important and understudied. Linking literatures on civil war violence and military politics, this article asks when this fratricidal violence targets soldiers who try to defect, and when it does not. It uses a unique data set of executions of officers on the Republican side of the Spanish Civil War. The article finds that while much of the violence appeared to target those who actually tried to defect, many nondefectors were likely shot too, due most likely to a pervasive stereotype that officers in general were disloyal to the Republic. This stereotype was used as an information shortcut and was promoted by political actors. Accordingly, unlikely defectors were likelier to be shot in locations in which less information was available about loyalties and in which political forces that were suspicious of officers as a group were locally stronger.

Argentine Neutrality, Mediation, and Asylum During the Spanish Civil War

1963 ◽  
Vol 19 (4) ◽  
pp. 383-403
Author(s):  
Joe Robert Juárez
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Spanish Civil War ◽  
Popular Front ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Francisco Franco ◽  
Constituent Assembly ◽  
Vested Interests ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Right ◽  
The Church

Civil War broke out in Spain in 1936. Following eight years of dictatorship by General Primo de Rivera, who had acted with the approval of King Alfonso XIII, elections were held in June, 1931, for a constituent assembly. The election returns brought in a republican-socialist majority, which forbade the king’s return, confiscated his property, and proclaimed Spain a republic. The republic had enemies on both the right and the left. The large landholders, the army, and the Church had vested interests which the republic proceeded to attack. On the left, the anarchists and socialists became more /radical, competing for the loyalty of the Spanish workers. The republic’s problems were compounded by the traditional separatist movements of Catalans, Basques, and Gallegans. Power shifted from the left in 1931 to the right in 1933, and, finally, in February, 1936, to a “popular front “government. The Popular Front, however, proved to be a coalition for election purposes only. Largo Caballero, the leader of the left wing of the socialists, declined to serve in the moderate Azaña cabinet. In July, 1936, army, monarchist, clerical, and Carlist groups joined with the Falange to bring about a counter-revolutionary coup under the leadership of General Francisco Franco. The Civil War had started. It was to last for three brutality-filled years.

scholarly journals A Spanish Genocide? Reflections on the Francoist Repression after the Spanish Civil War

2005 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 171-191 ◽  
Author(s):  
JULIUS RUIZ
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Spanish Civil War ◽  
Second World War ◽  
World War ◽  
Franco Regime ◽  
Military Justice ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Relative Decline ◽  
Post War ◽  
Second World

This article considers whether the Franco regime pursued a genocidal policy against Republicans after the formal ending of hostilities on 1 April 1939. In post-war Spain, the primary mechanism for punishing Republicans was military tribunals. Francoist military justice was based on the assumption that responsibility for the civil war lay with the Republic: defendants were tried for the crime of ‘military rebellion’. This was, as Ramón Serrano Suñer admitted his memoirs, ‘turning justice on its head’. But although it was extremely harsh, post-war military justice was never exterminatory. The article stresses that the institutionalisation of military justice from 1937, following the arbitrary murders of 1936, contributed to a relative decline in executions. Although the regime's determination to punish Republicans for ‘military rebellion’ inevitably led to the initiation of tens of thousands of post-war military investigations, only a minority of cases ended in execution. This was especially the case from January 1940, when the higher military authorities ended the autonomy of military tribunals over sentencing. This reassertion of central control in January 1940 was part of a wider policy to ease the self-inflicted problem of prison overcrowding; successive parole decrees led to a substantial and permanent decrease in the number of inmates by 1945. Allied victory in the Second World War did not mark the beginning but the end of the process of bringing to a close mass military justice.

Revolutionary Exhumations in Spain, July 1936

1985 ◽  
Vol 27 (2) ◽  
pp. 241-260 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bruce Lincoln
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Catholic Church ◽  
Spanish Civil War ◽  
Large Numbers ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Church ◽  
The Catholic Church

In the first weeks of the Spanish civil war, there occurred massive popular assaults against the Catholic Church in those cities which did not fall to the Nationalists rising, the Church having been widely (and correctly) perceived as hostile to the Republic and sympathetic to the generals who sought its overthrow. As rumors of priests firing on the populace from church towers circulated wildly, churches and convents were rapidly sacked and burnt. Supporters of the Republic killed religious personnel in large numbers—certainly well into the thousands—while desecrating and destroying church paraphernalia and cultic objects en masse.

scholarly journals generación de la no pertenencia: La literatura del exilio español en Francia

2020 ◽  
Vol 28 (1) ◽  
pp. 581-598
Author(s):  
Rita Rodríguez Varela
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Family History ◽  
Spanish Civil War ◽  
El Paso ◽  
The Way

El exilio de una gran parte de la población durante la guerra civil española abrió el paso a una generación de escritores exiliados, unidos por la necesidad de expresar y dar sentido a la vivencia de un trauma. Escritores que en muchas ocasiones han sido olvidados o relegados a un segundo plano por la dificultad de clasificación. Este artículo tiene como objetivo analizar y profundizar en los diferentes temas que estos autores tratan en sus obras, tales como la experiencia de la guerra o del exilio, las consecuencias de la dualidad lingüística en su identidad, la necesidad de reconstruir la historia familiar y en el encuentro con la escritura, lenguaje liberador. A través de sus obras otorgan un nuevo significado al concepto de frontera, por lo que evaden las clasificaciones tradicionales. The exile of a large part of the population during the Spanish civil war opened the way for a generation of exiled writers, united by the need to express and give meaning to the experience of trauma. These writers have often been forgotten or relegated to the background because of their difficulty of classification. This article aims to analyze and delve into the different topics that these authors dealt with in their works, such as the experience of war or exile, the consequences of linguistic duality on their identity, the need to reconstruct family history and in the encounter with writing, a liberating language. Through their Works they gave a new meanig to the concept of frontier, and thus evade traditional classifications. L’exil d’une grande partie de la population pendant la guerra civile espagnole a ouvert une voie à une génération d’écrivains exilés, unis par la nécessité d’exprimer et de donner du sens à une expérience traumatique. Ces auteurs ont souvent été oubliés ou relégués au second plan à cause de la difficulté de classification. Cet article a pour but d’analyser et d’approfondir sur les différents thèmes que ces auteus abordent dans leurs oeuvres, tels que l’expérience de la guerre ou de l’exil, les conséquences de la dualité linguistique sur leur identité, la nécessité de reconstruire l’histoire familiale et la rencontre avec l’écriture, langage libérateur. À travers ses oeuvres, ils donnent un nouveau sens au concept de frontière et échappent aux classifications traditionnelles.

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