scholarly journals A Spanish Genocide? Reflections on the Francoist Repression after the Spanish Civil War

2005 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 171-191 ◽  
Author(s):  
JULIUS RUIZ

This article considers whether the Franco regime pursued a genocidal policy against Republicans after the formal ending of hostilities on 1 April 1939. In post-war Spain, the primary mechanism for punishing Republicans was military tribunals. Francoist military justice was based on the assumption that responsibility for the civil war lay with the Republic: defendants were tried for the crime of ‘military rebellion’. This was, as Ramón Serrano Suñer admitted his memoirs, ‘turning justice on its head’. But although it was extremely harsh, post-war military justice was never exterminatory. The article stresses that the institutionalisation of military justice from 1937, following the arbitrary murders of 1936, contributed to a relative decline in executions. Although the regime's determination to punish Republicans for ‘military rebellion’ inevitably led to the initiation of tens of thousands of post-war military investigations, only a minority of cases ended in execution. This was especially the case from January 1940, when the higher military authorities ended the autonomy of military tribunals over sentencing. This reassertion of central control in January 1940 was part of a wider policy to ease the self-inflicted problem of prison overcrowding; successive parole decrees led to a substantial and permanent decrease in the number of inmates by 1945. Allied victory in the Second World War did not mark the beginning but the end of the process of bringing to a close mass military justice.

2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (4) ◽  
pp. 142-156
Author(s):  
A. Yu. Timofeev

The article considers the perception of World War II in modern Serbian society. Despite the stability of Serbian-Russian shared historical memory, the attitudes of both countries towards World wars differ. There is a huge contrast in the perception of the First and Second World War in Russian and Serbian societies. For the Serbs the events of World War II are obscured by the memories of the Civil War, which broke out in the country immediately after the occupation in 1941 and continued several years after 1945. Over 70% of Yugoslavs killed during the Second World War were slaughtered by the citizens of former Kingdom of Yugoslavia. The terror unleashed by Tito in the first postwar decade in 1944-1954 was proportionally bloodier than Stalin repressions in the postwar USSR. The number of emigrants from Yugoslavia after the establishment of the Tito's dictatorship was proportionally equal to the number of refugees from Russia after the Civil War (1,5-2% of prewar population). In the post-war years, open manipulations with the obvious facts of World War II took place in Tito's Yugoslavia. In the 1990s the memories repressed during the communist years were set free and publicly debated. After the fall of the one-party system the memory of World War II was devalued. The memory of the Russian-Serbian military fraternity forged during the World War II began to revive in Serbia due to the foreign policy changes in 2008. In October 2008 the President of Russia paid a visit to Serbia which began the process of (re) construction of World War II in Serbian historical memory. According to the public opinion surveys, a positive attitude towards Russia and Russians in Serbia strengthens the memories on general resistance to Nazism with memories of fratricide during the civil conflict events of 1941-1945 still dominating in Serbian society.


2020 ◽  
pp. 983-1010
Author(s):  
David Mota Zurdo

Este artículo analiza la denominada estrategia atlantista y cómo fue puesta en práctica por el Gobierno Vasco en el exilio a través de dos grandes etapas: por un lado, las actividades de la delegación del Gobierno Vasco en Nueva York durante la Guerra Civil española, atendiendo a su origen, composición, actuación y relación con instituciones norteamericanas como la National Catholic Welfare Conference (NCWC), el Departamento de Estado y sus diferentes agencias. Y, por otro, se estudian las labores de lobbying vascas durante la Segunda Guerra Mundial. Un periodo clave, pues, como se verá en las siguientes páginas, durante aquellos años se produjo una colaboración efectiva entre las instituciones vascas y las agencias estadounidenses de la Coordinator of Inter-American Affairs (CIAA), la Office of Coordinator of Information (COI), la Office of Strategic Services (OSS) y el Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI).


2020 ◽  
Vol 29 (3) ◽  
pp. 279-281
Author(s):  
Vjeran Pavlaković

Yugoslav scholarship about the Spanish Civil War, specifically the Yugoslav volunteers who fought in the International Brigades, was almost exclusively tied to the partisan struggle during the Second World War and the Communist Party of Yugoslavia. Many countries in the Soviet bloc published books about their heroes who fought fascism before Western Europe reacted and raised monuments to Spanish Civil War veterans. However, many lost their lives during Stalinist purges of the late 1940s and early 1950s since they were potentially compromised cadres who returned to Poland, Czechoslovakia, Hungary and other countries only after the Red Army's occupation. Yugoslav volunteers, however, generally had a more prominent status in the country (and historiography) since the Yugoslav resistance movement liberated the country with only minimal support from the Soviet Union.


Author(s):  
Javier Cervera Gil

Cuando terminó la Guerra Civil Española (1936-1939) los derrotados republicanos tuvieron que tomar el camino del exilio y una gran parte de ellos fijaron su residencia en Francia. El estallido de la Segunda Guerra Mundial fue entendido por la mayoría de estos exiliados españoles como la continuación de la lucha que hasta meses antes habían desarrollado en España. Por ello, muchos antifranquistas se implicaron en la resistencia contra los nazis creyendo que su victoria sobre ellos sería continuada inevitablemente por el fin del Régimen de Franco, aliado del Eje y por tanto enemigo de los Aliados.When finished the Spanish Civil War (1936-1939), the defeated republicans had to take the way of the exile and a great portion of them took their residence in trance. The out break of the Second World War was understand by the most of these spanish exiled as the fight continuation that unta months before had developed in Spain. For it, many antifranquists helped in the resistance versis the nazis thinking that their victory over them would be continued for the end of Franco's Regime axis allied, and so allied enemy.


2019 ◽  
Vol 27 (3) ◽  
pp. 341-345
Author(s):  
Nir Arielli ◽  
Enrico Acciai

This is an introduction to a special issue on the role played by veterans of the Spanish Civil War’s International Brigades during the Second World War. It argues that the study of these veterans is worthwhile for three reasons: the extraordinary mobility that the antifascist struggle of the years 1936–45 enabled; the microcosm it provides for the assessment of what happens when ideologically fuelled concerns meet pragmatic wartime needs; and the relevance of how governments and military organizations have dealt with suspect returnees in the past for present-day dilemmas that several governments face.


Prawo ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 332 ◽  
pp. 115-131
Author(s):  
Adam Obara

The Prosecutor’s Office at the District Court in Zamość in the years 1944–1950: Selected issues The study is an attempt to present in general terms the institution of the Prosecutor’s Office in the years 1944–1950 in the reality of the Polish state revived after the Second World War. On account of the fact that Zamość was located in the border strip within newly established borders, special attention is paid to the activity of the Prosecutor’s Office at the District Court in Zamość. The Prosecutor’s Office, just like other state authorities, was created after the Second World War along with the formation of a Polish statehood. The system and the competencies of the post-war Prosecutor’s Office were based on the legal regulations enforced in the interwar period, i.e. the Decree Law of the President of the Republic of Poland on organisation of common law courts dated 6th February, 1928. A capitalist type of prosecutor’s office was established, based on the German model in particular. Although the new authorities did not make any amendments to these regulations in the years 1944–1945, they introduced some legal acts that had an impact on the functioning of the Prosecutor’s Office. The prosecutors’ obligation of loyalty to the political system and the people’s authorities instead of the existing obligation of impartiality was a clear symptom of that. Consequently, the authorities demanded absolute obedience from prosecutors. The Prosecutor’s Office at the District Court in Zamość began its activity on the initiative of the local authorities after the German occupiers left the region on 1 August 1944. In terms of territory, the Prosecutor’s Office included four districts: Zamość, Tomaszów Lubelski, Biłgoraj and Hrubieszów. The post-war social and political situation, as well as the immediate proximity of the border had a significant influence on the scope of the cases handled by the Prosecutor’s Office. The investigation into the mass murders of Polish people by the Germans in the area of the Zamość “Rotunda” was the greatest challenge for the Prosecutor’s Office at the District Court in Zamość. The Prosecutor’s Office functioned until the middle of 1950, when, as a result of system changes, it was replaced by the District Prosecutor’s Office in Zamość.  Die Staatsanwaltschaft beim Bezirksgericht Zamość in den Jahren 1944–1950. Gewählte Fragen Die Ausarbeitung ist ein Versuch, die Institution der Staatsanwaltschaft in den Jahren 1944–1950 in den Realien des nach dem Zweiten Weltkrieg wieder entstehenden polnischen Staates zu skizzieren. Da Zamość nach Festlegung der neuen Grenzen in den grenzanliegenden Streifen gelang, wurde die Aufmerksamkeit der Tätigkeit der Staatsanwaltschaft beim Bezirksgericht Zamość geschenkt. Die Staatsanwaltschaft und andere Staatsorgane entstanden nach dem Zweiten Weltkrieg zusammen mit der Entwicklung des polnischen Staatswesens. Die Vorschriften, die in der Zwischenkriegszeit mit der Verordnung des Präsidenten der Republik Polen kraft Gesetzes — Gesetz über die Struktur der ordentlichen Gerichte vom 6. Februar 1928 eingeführt wurden, bestimmten die Ordnung und die Kompetenzen der Nachkriegsstaatsanwaltschaft. Sie beschlossen einen kapitalistischen Typ der Staatsanwaltschaft mit besonderer Berücksichtigung des deutschen Modells. Obwohl die „neue Gewalt” diese Regelungen nicht novelliert hat, führte sie bereits in den Jahren 1944–1945 neue Rechtsakte ein, die für die Tätigkeit der Staatsanwaltschaft nicht unerheblich blieben. Seinen Ausdruck fand das in der Verpflichtung der Staatsanwälte, der Staatssystemordnung und der Volksherrschaft treu zu bleiben, die die bisher bestehende Unparteilichkeitspflicht ersetzte. Folglich erwartete die Staatsgewalt ein absolutes Gehorsam der Staatsanwälte. Die Staatsanwaltschaft beim Bezirksgericht Zamość begann ihre Tätigkeit aus Initiative der örtlichen Obrigkeit nachdem der deutsche Besatzer am 1. August 1944 das Gebiet um Zamość verlassen hat. Die territoriale Zuständigkeit der Staatsanwaltschaft erstreckte sich über vier Kreise: Zamość, Tomaszów, Biłgoraj und Hrubieszów. Die sozialpolitische Situation der Nachkriegszeit und die unmittelbare Nähe der Grenze hatten wesentlichen Einfluss auf den Umfang der von der Staatsanwaltschaft bearbeiteten Fälle. Die größte Herausforderung, der sich die Staatsanwaltschaft beim Bezirksgericht Zamość zu stellen hatte, war die Ermittlung in Sachen der deutschen Massenmorde an der polnischen Bevölkerung auf dem Gebiet der „Rotunda“ in Zamość. Die besprochene Staatsanwaltschaft arbeitete bis Mitte des Jahres 1950, als sie infolge von strukturellen Wandlungen von der Kreisstaatsanwaltschaft Zamość ersetzt wurde.


2018 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 210-225
Author(s):  
Wojciech Opioła

The Spanish Civil War of 1936–1939, as an ideologised and mythologised event, has been and is still used instrumentally within the Polish public discourse. The war was an important subject for the Polish press in the years 1936–1939. The Catholic, national-democratic, and conservative press supported General Franco’s rebellion. The governmental and pro-government press also supported the rebels. The Christian-democratic and peasants’ party press remained neutral. The social demo­cratic, communist, and radical press backed the Spanish Republic — as did liberal-conservative organs such as Wiadomości Literackie. After the Second World War, the Polish communist media created the positive legend of Polish participants in the Spanish Civil War in the International Brigades, label­ling Franco’s post-war regime fascist. In contemporary Poland, the same division within the Polish political scene as in 1936–1939 can be observed. Starting in 1990, the Spanish Civil War, as a subject of the Polish political discourse, has been the source of heated disputes, whose participants often present more radical views and narratives. The key issues that entered the canon of Polish political disputes after 1989 the International Brigades of volunteers, religious crimes, the support of fascists and communists for opposite sides of the conflict, are concentrated along the lines of the dispute arising from the debate within pre-war Poland: the clash of the traditional, Catholic world with the communist revolution.


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