The Barbet Movement in the Times of the French Revolution: Peasants, Counter-Revolutionaries, Bandits?

Istoriya ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (7 (105)) ◽  
pp. 0
Author(s):  
Andrey Mitrofanov
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
French Revolution ◽  
French Government ◽  
Social Composition ◽  
The Social ◽  
Popular Movement ◽  
The Times ◽  
New View ◽  
The French Revolution

During the French Revolution, an anti-French rebel movement, known as the barbets, took place at the territories of the County of Nice and Piedmont. Barbets were the forerunners of the Italian Insorgenze of 1796—1814. At the territories where the barbets units operated, the power of the new French administration was weak, the roads were unsafe, robbery and smuggling flourished. From time to time, small and large uprisings broke out in rural communes and cities in the region. The Nice region and part of Piedmont were in a state of permanent civil war, which in the official French discourse was called “banditisme” or “brigandage”. The rise of the Barbet movement was in 1796—1800. Only at the time of the Consulate the French government managed to partially eliminate this threat to order and civil peace. The author of the article, based on archive sources and newest historiography, presents a new view on the barbet movement, paying a special attention to clan conflicts among rioters and the social composition of this popular movement in general.

The Revolutionizing of the Revolution

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
R. R. Palmer
Keyword(s):  
French Revolution ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
Strict Sense ◽  
French Government ◽  
Thing In Itself ◽  
Set Up ◽  
The Moment ◽  
The French Revolution ◽  
The Revolution

In 1792, the French Revolution became a thing in itself, an uncontrollable force that might eventually spend itself but which no one could direct or guide. The governments set up in Paris in the following years all faced the problem of holding together against forces more revolutionary than themselves. This chapter distinguishes two such forces for analytical purposes. There was a popular upheaval, an upsurge from below, sans-culottisme, which occurred only in France. Second, there was the “international” revolutionary agitation, which was not international in any strict sense, but only concurrent within the boundaries of various states as then organized. From the French point of view these were the “foreign” revolutionaries or sympathizers. The most radical of the “foreign” revolutionaries were seldom more than advanced political democrats. Repeatedly, however, from 1792 to 1799, these two forces tended to converge into one force in opposition to the French government of the moment.

Class Struggle and Culture Wars in the Springtime of the French Revolution, Year II (1794)

2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 209-235
Author(s):  
Sophie Wahnich ◽  
Alexander Dunlop ◽  
Sylvia Schafer
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
French Revolution ◽  
Public Safety ◽  
Class Struggle ◽  
Culture Wars ◽  
Political Community ◽  
French Society ◽  
The Future ◽  
The French Revolution

Abstract In the spring of Year II (1794), the future of French society was uncertain. This article looks at the response to the uncertainty of three members of the Committee on Public Safety, who discussed the need to choose between a revolutionary political community and civil war, even as they disagreed about what form the future republic should take.

The Structure of Modern Ideology

1939 ◽  
Vol 1 (4) ◽  
pp. 382-399
Author(s):  
Francis G. Wilson
Keyword(s):  
French Revolution ◽  
Political Behavior ◽  
Thomas Carlyle ◽  
Social Theorist ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Face ◽  
The French Revolution

“THEORIES of Government!” exclaims Thomas Carlyle in the early pages of The French Revolution. “Such has been, and will be; in ages of decadence. Acknowledge them in their degree; as processes of Nature, who does nothing in vain; as steps in her great process.” The social theorist of today takes more seriously than Carlyle the existence of ideology, for ideology is an expression of spiritual unrest in the face of history-making issues. In turn, ideology itself becomes a problem, and we are led to examine its nature. Especially is this true today, which is a time of passionate affirmation of ambiguous positions rather than the observation of political behavior.

Contemplation and Philanthropy

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kaz Oishi
Keyword(s):  
French Revolution ◽  
Well Being ◽  
Human Mind ◽  
Educational Programmes ◽  
Laissez Faire ◽  
New View ◽  
The French Revolution

Chapter 8 assesses contemplation in Coleridge’s philanthropic thought in the 1810s. Even after his disillusionment with the French Revolution, Coleridge remained preoccupied with welfare issues such as destitution and the condition of labourers. His new stance towards national ‘well-being’ emphasizes the contemplative power of the human mind both in religious and secular spheres. The author describes how Coleridge developed contemplation in response to Robert Owen’s welfare and educational programmes as manifested in New View of Society (1813). Coleridge’s The Statesman’s Manual (1816) and A Lay Sermon (1817) can be read as a critique of Owen’s secular and empiricist notion of philanthropy. It is also significant that this contemplative ideal of ‘well-being’ serves as an antithesis to the Utilitarian concept of wealth under a laissez-faire economy. Coleridge’s contemplation as ‘a total act of the soul’ distinguishes itself as a unique politico-religious virtue in the context of the 1810s.

The Oxford Handbook of the French Revolution

2013 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
French Revolution ◽  
Social Economic ◽  
Comprehensive Overview ◽  
The Social ◽  
Political Dimensions ◽  
Demographic Shifts ◽  
The Many ◽  
The French Revolution

This text offers a comprehensive overview of the varied historiographical landscape of the French Revolution. Contributions consider in detail the intersection of longstanding debates and recent groundbreaking research, ranging from the social, economic and demographic shifts underpinning the condition of France in the 1780s, through the varied international contexts of the revolutionary crisis, to an extensive and multi-dimensional discussion of all the many phases of the turbulent 1790s, and concluding with far-ranging reflections on the longer-term repercussions of the events in their social, cultural and political dimensions.

Linguistic Justice vs. Linguistic Diversity

2016 ◽  
Vol 1 (1-4) ◽  
pp. 61-78
Author(s):  
Jürgen Trabant
Keyword(s):  
Social Sciences ◽  
Social Justice ◽  
French Revolution ◽  
Linguistic Diversity ◽  
Professional Skill ◽  
Global English ◽  
Linguistic Justice ◽  
The Social ◽  
Political Forces ◽  
The French Revolution

The linguistic uniformity of Europe (or the globe) is currently enforced not only by powerful economic and political forces but also by sociologists and social philosophers. At first, the learning of global English was only considered to be a necessary professional skill, then, the positive connotations of “plurilingualism” were evoked for fostering its universal adoption. Now, the acquisition of “globalese” is promoted as a means to achieve social justice. The rhetoric of justice immunises this discourse against any criticism (what can you say against justice?). Its political aims and measures are reminiscent of the aims and measures of the linguistic Jacobinism in the French Revolution. The propagandistic moves of the social sciences are accompanied by a polemic against linguistic diversity and the connection of language to culture. They are based on a reductive conception of language that underestimates their cognitive and, hence, cultural potential.

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