scholarly journals The аccusatory еrend in Russian satirical journalism in the first half of the 1860s: Foreign policy aspect

Author(s):  
Olga V. Kochukova ◽  

The article is devoted to foreign policy topics in Russian satirical journals of the first half of the 1860s. The author analyzes the historical content of feuilletons and caricatures of the leading satirical magazines of the era “Iskra” and “Zanoza”. The article reveals the historical and cultural origins of the “accusatory trend” in public opinion and the press of Russia at the turn of the 1850s-1860s, the peculiarities of its implementation in relation to the foreign policy aspect. The article compares the radical and moderate trends in the satirical reflection of the phenomena and events of international life.

2016 ◽  
Vol 48 (2) ◽  
pp. 267-292
Author(s):  
Houssine Alloul ◽  
Roel Markey

AbstractSimilar to ruling elites in Western Europe, the Ottomans were preoccupied with foreign “public opinion” regarding their state. Historians have devoted attention to Ottoman state efforts at image building abroad and, to a lesser degree, related attempts to influence the European mass press. Yet, an in-depth study of this subject is lacking. This article turns to one of the prime, though largely neglected, actors in Ottoman foreign policy making: the sultan's diplomats. Through a case study of Ottoman envoys to Belgium, it demonstrates how foreign “press management” evolved and was adapted to shifting domestic and international political circumstances. Increasingly systematic attempts to influence Belgian newspapers can be discerned from the reign of Abdülhamid II onward. Brokers between Istanbul and “liberal” Belgium's thriving newspaper business, Ottoman diplomats proved essential to this development. Ultimately, however, Ottoman efforts to counter Belgian (and European) news coverage of the empire had little impact and occasionally even worked counterproductively, generating the very Orientalist images they aimed to combat in the first place.


1969 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 86-110 ◽  
Author(s):  
John F. Kutolowski

I can only say that the insurrection, however much of heroism and patriotic devotion it has subsequently embodied, appears to me to have been to a great extent artificially stimulated by a wonderfully dextrous management of the press and the telegraph and by a social machinery which no other nation than one of generations of illustrious exiles can command.Henry HotzeThe character of public opinion concerning contemporary foreign problems, despite abundant data and sophisticated analyses, is sometimes elusive; it is of course more tenuous respecting issues of an earlier era when polling techniques were unknown. Studies of mid-Victorian public opinion and foreign policy by B. Kingsley Martin on the Crimean War and Miriam B. Urban on the Italian War of Unification have by necessity equated the attitudes of the press, Parliament, and public addresses with public sentiment. They often assume that, under circumstances such as Russophobia and sympathy for national liberty, certain pin pricks of events elicit spontaneous and genuine expressions of public opinion. To be sure, this assumption has some validity. But owing to the paucity of documentary evidence, propaganda has received altogether too little attention.The writings of Polish agents for 1863 provide a basis for illuminating an instance of propaganda in the mechanics of mid-Victorian public sentiment. Yet J. H. Harley and K. S. Pasieka, while charting the course of English opinion in 1863, have almost completely ignored propaganda, while Henryk Wereszycki has treated it cursorily. This essay, consequently, aims to draw back the curtains a bit, go backstage, and observe how actors received suggestions, inducements, and sometimes even scripts to perform their roles.


2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 348-373
Author(s):  
Ana Carolina Marson

This paper seeks to comprehend how a portion of the Brazilian public opinion, specifically the press, understood Brazil’s participation in the Eighth Meeting of Consultation of Ministers of Foreign Affairs, held in Punta del Este, Uruguay, in January 1962 – the Punta del Este Conference. This was a decisive meeting since it culminated in the expulsion of Cuba from the Organization of American States (OAS), because of the pressure exerted by the United States. Brazil distinguished itself for leading a group of countries against Cuba’s expulsion, based on the principle of self-determination and non-intervention. Although some authors believe the Punta del Este Conference to be the first event to massively mobilize the Brazilian public opinion around a foreign policy issue, they are not clear about what they understand as the concept of public opinion or how it positioned itself about Brazil’s participation in the Conference. Thus, this paper focuses on the coverage of three newspapers of national circulation (Jornal do Brasil, O Estado de São Paulo and Última Hora) between November 1961 and March 1962 to understand, through a content analysis method, how the press evaluated Brazil’s participation in the Punta del Este Conference. The results point to a bigger support of the Brazilian position and the Independent Foreign Policy.       Recebido em: Agosto/2019. Aprovado em: julho/2020.


2019 ◽  
pp. 1-9
Author(s):  
John M. Thompson

The introduction highlights the paradox that confronts modern US presidents, in that they enjoy considerable power in the realm of foreign policy but also face many potential constraints, such as partisanship and powerful lobby groups. It observes that though there are many books on the subject, there are few studies of how individual presidents have dealt with this aspect of statecraft. The introduction explains that Roosevelt presents an ideal case study for this subject and offers a preview of the book’s principal arguments. It also explains the book’s methodology, which entails a series of case studies, placing particular emphasis on public opinion and the role of the press, and describes original aspects of the book such as Roosevelt’s use of public diplomacy. The introduction also offers a preview of the book’s structure and the content of each chapter.


Author(s):  
Helmer Helmers

Focusing on the contested succession of James II in 1685, this chapter argues that succession literature shaped, and was being shaped by, international relations. It shows that James’s succession led to an Anglo-Scottish propaganda battle in the Dutch Republic as both government agents and the Whig opposition in exile aimed to influence Dutch foreign policy by winning public opinion. Analysis of this British battle for Dutch support, the succession publicity it generated, and the responses it elicited, reveals a remarkable change in Dutch succession publicity. Before the succession, Dutch pamphlets mostly favoured Whig perspectives. After the failed rebellions led by the Duke of Monmouth and the Earl of Argyll, however, pro-Stuart publications came to dominate the press. This shift is shown to have been the result of struggles over Dutch foreign policy.


2021 ◽  
pp. 431-449
Author(s):  
F. A. Popov ◽  
V. Z. Tsvetkov

The article is devoted to the foreign policy course of the anti-Bolshevik Provisional Priamurye Government, which controled Primorye in 1921—1922. The source base of the research was the journalism of the pro-government press (the newspapers “Slovo”, “Russian Territory”, “Bulletin of the Provisional Priamurye Government”) and archival materials. Particular attention is paid to the role of the media in substantiating the foreign policy of the Far Eastern non-socialists. It is shown that the official statements of the government (appeals, proclamations, interviews of officials) published in the press contained the foundations of the foreign policy doctrine of the White movement. In addition, it is indicated that anti-Bolshevik publicists regularly responded to foreign policy events and tried to form public opinion through newspaper articles. It is noted that the cornerstone of the program of the Provisional Priamurye Government was the thesis of the antagonism of “Russia” (personified in the white Primorye) and “Sovdepia” — RSFSR (together with the buffer Far Eastern Republic). As an example, illustrating the application of Provisional Priamurye Government ideological attitudes in practice, the sending of a delegation from the white Primorye to the Washington conference at the end of 1921 is given. The preceding press campaign, designed to substantiate the importance of the presence of the anti-Bolshevik delegation in Washington, is highlighted. 


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