scholarly journals Foreign Policy of Provisional Priamur Government (1921—1922): Process of Formation and Basic Ideological Attitudes

2021 ◽  
pp. 431-449
Author(s):  
F. A. Popov ◽  
V. Z. Tsvetkov

The article is devoted to the foreign policy course of the anti-Bolshevik Provisional Priamurye Government, which controled Primorye in 1921—1922. The source base of the research was the journalism of the pro-government press (the newspapers “Slovo”, “Russian Territory”, “Bulletin of the Provisional Priamurye Government”) and archival materials. Particular attention is paid to the role of the media in substantiating the foreign policy of the Far Eastern non-socialists. It is shown that the official statements of the government (appeals, proclamations, interviews of officials) published in the press contained the foundations of the foreign policy doctrine of the White movement. In addition, it is indicated that anti-Bolshevik publicists regularly responded to foreign policy events and tried to form public opinion through newspaper articles. It is noted that the cornerstone of the program of the Provisional Priamurye Government was the thesis of the antagonism of “Russia” (personified in the white Primorye) and “Sovdepia” — RSFSR (together with the buffer Far Eastern Republic). As an example, illustrating the application of Provisional Priamurye Government ideological attitudes in practice, the sending of a delegation from the white Primorye to the Washington conference at the end of 1921 is given. The preceding press campaign, designed to substantiate the importance of the presence of the anti-Bolshevik delegation in Washington, is highlighted. 

Author(s):  
Piers Robinson

This chapter examines the relevance of media and public opinion to our understanding of foreign policy and international politics. It first considers whether public opinion influences foreign policy formulation, as argued by the pluralist model, or whether the public are politically impotent, as argued by the elite model. It then explores whether the media can influence foreign policy formulation, as argued by the pluralist model, or whether the media are fundamentally subservient to the foreign policy process, as argued by the elite model. It also integrates these competing arguments with theoretical frames used in the study of international relations: namely, realism, liberalism, and critical approaches (including constructivism and post-structuralism). The chapter concludes by discussing contemporary debates concerning organized persuasive communication and the ‘war on terror’.


Author(s):  
Huda Alshamsi Huda Alshamsi

This research aimed at reveal the role that the press plays in shaping the knowledge and attitudes of individuals in any issue, and to explain this in light of the theory of dependence on media that are concerned with the motives and causes of the public's dependence on the media and the effects that this dependence has on Knowledge, opinions, trends and behavior, as I collected 19 scientific studies on the same topic through which we emphasize the role of the media in drawing public opinion, which is determined based on the articles that are published and they represent the facts that the reader gets, and the countries on which the studies were taken varied. According to different topics.


Author(s):  
Andrea Ghiselli

Although it is not as decisive a factor as it is in Western democracies, the space for Chinese public opinion to influence foreign policy has grown over the years thanks to the population’s greater access to the Internet, the diversification of the media, and the simple fact that today’s Chinese leaders are not revolutionary heroes. While domestic public opinion cannot shape the country’s foreign policy on issues related to China’s “core interests”—the commanding role of the Chinese Communist Party and the country’s territorial integrity and sovereignty—the situation is different when the discussion is less sensitive. The Chinese approach to North Africa and the Middle East is one of those topics. Hence, this chapter looks at how online Chinese public opinion influenced the domestic narrative on protecting the country’s overseas interests. It exposes a contested environment where the actions and the narrative put forward by policymakers were often under pressure as Chinese citizens favored a more muscular approach to defending the country’s overseas interests.


2019 ◽  
pp. 1-9
Author(s):  
John M. Thompson

The introduction highlights the paradox that confronts modern US presidents, in that they enjoy considerable power in the realm of foreign policy but also face many potential constraints, such as partisanship and powerful lobby groups. It observes that though there are many books on the subject, there are few studies of how individual presidents have dealt with this aspect of statecraft. The introduction explains that Roosevelt presents an ideal case study for this subject and offers a preview of the book’s principal arguments. It also explains the book’s methodology, which entails a series of case studies, placing particular emphasis on public opinion and the role of the press, and describes original aspects of the book such as Roosevelt’s use of public diplomacy. The introduction also offers a preview of the book’s structure and the content of each chapter.


Author(s):  
Denis Galava

This chapter examines how the Kenyan press has adapted to a constantly changing political landscape and media ecosystem, from the colonial period to Uhuru Kenyatta’s presidency. It interrogates the roles of key actors over this period—press owners, journalists, and successive political regimes—whose interests have helped to shape the moral and practical trajectories of reporting. Using the Daily Nation and The Standard newspapers as case studies, the chapter argues that despite the constantly waxing and waning relationship between the media and the government over time, the press in Kenya is part of ideological state apparatuses and other hegemonic structures that help to “manufacture consent” amid broader discourse over the place of democracy in Kenya’s elections. It concludes that the press was founded to secure and enhance the interests of its owners, not to expand the bounds of debate and expression.


2002 ◽  
Vol 104 (1) ◽  
pp. 80-91 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jeff Lewis

Academic and public analysis of the media's performance during the 9/11 and Afghanistan wars are critically influenced by the specific ideological perspective of the analyst. Those commentators who support the reprisal attacks against bin Laden, Al Qaeda and the Taliban tend to commend the media, identifying a substantial confluence between state interests, public opinion and media reporting. Alternatively, commentators such as Noam Chomsky who are highly critical of American foreign policy, especially in the Middle East, see the media as representing a pernicious conduit which allows state and military hegemonies to oppress and manipulate public opinion. The role of the media in reporting war and terrorism needs to be considered in terms of processes of cultural construction and representation. As we approach the anniversary of 9/11 and the ‘war on terror’, we need to understand that government foreign policy, public opinion and military action are all shaped through specific kinds of mediated discourse. Our role as media analysts is to expose these discourses in terms of those complex historical and cultural conditions which have served to generate a violence of this proportion.


2017 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel Susilo

After 1999, Indonesia's Media became grown up. It is the implication of the fallen of the authoritarian regime, Suharto. The growth has another side effect about trends of media conglomeration. Indonesian Media Conglomerate such as Tanoesoedibjo, Tandjung, Paloh and Bakrie also have the background as a politician. Mass media are an efficient tool to change the mind of people.  Mass society theory makes several basic assumptions about individuals, the role of media, and the nature of social change. Media owner used their media for preserving his political influences. Facing this situation, Indonesian regulation about media ownership ignored by media owners. They used their power in the political area to get away from the regulation. Whereas, in Indonesian Law Number 32, issued on 2002 about Broadcasting Media, Especially on Chapter 36 verse 4 states, "broadcast content must be maintained neutrality and should not put the interests of a group". Many complain from the media audience, but no action from the government. The regulator doesn't enforce the law, especially at Broadcast Media. Most of the press uses the public sphere, who design for democratisation process, not for individual or political party's interest. Keywords: media conglomeration, Indonesia, Politics


Author(s):  
Piers Robinson

This chapter examines the influence of media and public opinion on U.S. foreign policy and vice versa. It considers the extent to which the media and public have been manipulated by the government, and the extent to which public opinion and media have shaped foreign policy during tumultuous times such as the terrorist attacks of 11 September 2001. It also explores the consequences of public opinion and media for U.S. power in the twenty-first century. The chapter describes pluralist and elite models of the public opinion/ media/foreign policy nexus, long with public and media diplomacy. It concludes with a discussion of the extent to which developments in communication technology have empowered U.S. public opinion and media, as well as the impact of this technology on global U.S. power and influence, in particular in the context of the current war on terror.


Author(s):  
Manoj Joshi

The media has often been called the fourth estate, or the fourth branch of the government, for the role it plays in the societal and political life of a country. Through the medium of newspapers, TV, and now the Internet, it not just informs, but also influences public opinion and through that, the government, to adopt, reject, or modify a chosen policy direction. While there are other means through which people make informed choices on domestic policy, the media plays a significantly larger role when it comes to foreign policy. This chapter seeks to establish just what kind of a role the Indian media plays in the making of foreign policy, discussing also influences over its content, not least those relating to media ownership in India.


MedienJournal ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 30 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 37
Author(s):  
Li Xiguang

The commercialization of meclia in China has cultivated a new journalism business model characterized with scandalization, sensationalization, exaggeration, oversimplification, highly opinionated news stories, one-sidedly reporting, fabrication and hate reporting, which have clone more harm than good to the public affairs. Today the Chinese journalists are more prey to the manipu/ation of the emotions of the audiences than being a faithful messenger for the public. Une/er such a media environment, in case of news events, particularly, during crisis, it is not the media being scared by the government. but the media itself is scaring the government into silence. The Chinese news media have grown so negative and so cynica/ that it has produced growing popular clistrust of the government and the government officials. Entering a freer but fearful commercially mediated society, the Chinese government is totally tmprepared in engaging the Chinese press effectively and has lost its ability for setting public agenda and shaping public opinions. 


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