Moral discourse of the nation and nationalism in the horizon of the liberal paradigm of the political

The article discusses the key aspects of the concept of "nation" and "nationalism" that have emerged in Ukrainian socio-political thought of the modern era. The ideas of Ukrainian statehood were quite actively developed in the environment of the Ukrainian intelligentsia at the end of the 19th - beginning of the 20th centuries and subsequently reflected in the programs of Ukrainian political parties in different directions. The political works of M. Mikhnovsky and S. Hrushevsky, as the founders of the Ukrainian political doctrine, are analyzed, their views on the establishment of statehood on the Ukrainian lands are compared and the main differences of their vision of the future destiny of the Ukrainian people are revealed. Along with the federalist vision of the future of the Ukrainian state, there is another direction - independent. In the early twentieth century. a new ideological doctrine - nationalism - is beginning to emerge. The experience of Ukrainian nationalism is in many respects unique, since this ideological doctrine will appear on the territory of our country quite late, in comparison with other European countries, actively combined with various forms of Marxism, and in the end, did not ensure the formation of a nation-state. The relevance of this topic is that the problem of the formation of state-building ideas in Ukrainian sociopolitical thought of the late XIX - early XX centuries. was important for outlining the national and political orientations of the Ukrainian people, which greatly influenced the course and results of the revolution and civil war of 1917 - 1921 in Ukraine. The purpose of the article is to analyze and contrast two alternative models of Ukrainian statehood that belonged to the leading political figures - M. Hrushevsky and M. Mikhnovsky and to determine the role and meaning of the ideas of "nation" and "nationalism" in their concepts.

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Italian Industrialists from Liberalism to Fascism: The Political Development of the Industrial Bourgeoisie. By Franklin Hugh Adler. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995. Pp. ix, 458. $90.00.

The Journal of Economic History ◽

10.1017/s002205070354205x ◽

2003 ◽

Vol 63 (3) ◽

pp. 868-869

Author(s):

JON COHEN

Keyword(s):

Political Development ◽

The Political ◽

Cambridge University ◽

Industrial Bourgeoisie

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The Social Origins and Provenance of the English Bishops during the Reign of Edward II

Transactions of the Royal Historical Society ◽

10.1017/s0080440100017540 ◽

1959 ◽

Vol 9 ◽

pp. 51-79

Author(s):

K. Edwards

Keyword(s):

Middle Ages ◽

Social Background ◽

Early Career ◽

The Political ◽

Social Origins ◽

Political Activities ◽

Edward Ii ◽

The Social ◽

Complete Study ◽

History Of

During the last twenty or twenty-five years medieval historians have been much interested in the composition of the English episcopate. A number of studies of it have been published on periods ranging from the eleventh to the fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries. A further paper might well seem superfluous. My reason for offering one is that most previous writers have concentrated on analysing the professional circles from which the bishops were drawn, and suggesting the influences which their early careers as royal clerks, university masters and students, secular or regular clergy, may have had on their later work as bishops. They have shown comparatively little interest in their social background and provenance, except for those bishops who belonged to magnate families. Some years ago, when working on the political activities of Edward II's bishops, it seemed to me that social origins, family connexions and provenance might in a number of cases have had at least as much influence on a bishop's attitude to politics as his early career. I there fore collected information about the origins and provenance of these bishops. I now think that a rather more careful and complete study of this subject might throw further light not only on the political history of the reign, but on other problems connected with the character and work of the English episcopate. There is a general impression that in England in the later middle ages the bishops' ties with their dioceses were becoming less close, and that they were normally spending less time in diocesan work than their predecessors in the thirteenth century.

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Democrazy—Dem Go Craze, O: Monitoring the 1999 Nigerian Elections

Issue A Journal of Opinion ◽

10.1017/s1548450500005862 ◽

1999 ◽

Vol 27 (1) ◽

pp. 29-33

Author(s):

Darren Kew

Keyword(s):

Transition Program ◽

The Political ◽

High Stakes ◽

Political Class ◽

Soccer Match ◽

The Public ◽

The Military

In many respects, the least important part of the 1999 elections were the elections themselves. From the beginning of General Abdusalam Abubakar’s transition program in mid-1998, most Nigerians who were not part of the wealthy “political class” of elites—which is to say, most Nigerians— adopted their usual politically savvy perspective of siddon look (sit and look). They waited with cautious optimism to see what sort of new arrangement the military would allow the civilian politicians to struggle over, and what in turn the civilians would offer the public. No one had any illusions that anything but high-stakes bargaining within the military and the political class would determine the structures of power in the civilian government. Elections would influence this process to the extent that the crowd influences a soccer match.

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