scholarly journals Concepts and idea of "nation" in the ukrainian social and political movement at the end of the XIX - early of the XX century

Author(s):  
Catherine Cherniavska

The article discusses the key aspects of the concept of "nation" and "nationalism" that have emerged in Ukrainian socio-political thought of the modern era. The ideas of Ukrainian statehood were quite actively developed in the environment of the Ukrainian intelligentsia at the end of the 19th - beginning of the 20th centuries and subsequently reflected in the programs of Ukrainian political parties in different directions. The political works of M. Mikhnovsky and S. Hrushevsky, as the founders of the Ukrainian political doctrine, are analyzed, their views on the establishment of statehood on the Ukrainian lands are compared and the main differences of their vision of the future destiny of the Ukrainian people are revealed. Along with the federalist vision of the future of the Ukrainian state, there is another direction - independent. In the early twentieth century. a new ideological doctrine - nationalism - is beginning to emerge. The experience of Ukrainian nationalism is in many respects unique, since this ideological doctrine will appear on the territory of our country quite late, in comparison with other European countries, actively combined with various forms of Marxism, and in the end, did not ensure the formation of a nation-state. The relevance of this topic is that the problem of the formation of state-building ideas in Ukrainian sociopolitical thought of the late XIX - early XX centuries. was important for outlining the national and political orientations of the Ukrainian people, which greatly influenced the course and results of the revolution and civil war of 1917 - 1921 in Ukraine. The purpose of the article is to analyze and contrast two alternative models of Ukrainian statehood that belonged to the leading political figures - M. Hrushevsky and M. Mikhnovsky and to determine the role and meaning of the ideas of "nation" and "nationalism" in their concepts.

2014 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 49-68 ◽  
Author(s):  
Wyatt Wells

AbstractIn the 1890s, questions about whether to base the American currency upon gold or silver dominated public discourse and eventually forced a realignment of the political parties. The matter often confuses modern observers, who have trouble understanding how such a technically complex—even arcane—issue could arouse such passions. The fact that no major nation currently backs its currency with precious metal creates the suspicion that the issue was a “red herring” that distracted from matters of far greater importance. Yet the rhetoric surrounding the “Battle of the Standards” indicates that the more sophisticated advocates of both sides understood that, in the financial context of the 1890s, the contest between gold and silver not only had important economic implications but would substantially affect the future development of the United States.


Author(s):  
Özgür Erden

This article embarks on making a political analysis of Islamist politics by criticizing the hegemonic approach in the field and considering a number of the institutions or structures, composing of either state and its ideological-repressive apparatuses, political parties and actors, intellectual leadership and ideology, and political relations, events, or facts in political sphere. The aforesaid approach declares that the social and economic factors, namely class position, capital accumulation, market, education, and culture, have been far better significative for a political study in examining any political movement, party, and fact or event. However, our study will more stress on political structures, events and struggles or conflicts produced and reproduced by the political institutions, the relationships and the processes in question. Taking into account all these, it will be argued that they have been more significant as compared to class position, capital accumulation, market in economic structure, or culture and education, in a political study.


2012 ◽  
pp. 1018-1034
Author(s):  
Fabian Ströhle ◽  
Timm Sprenger

The rise of Twitter has changed human communication behavior not only in the political domain, but also in many other fields. Individuals are increasingly using microblogging platforms like Twitter for political deliberation, making full use of the features offered for discussions and social networking. At the same time, politicians and political parties hop on the bandwagon, using Twitter to reach a larger audience and communicate to constituents. As is the case for blogs, the political Twittersphere is fragmented along party lines, but stimulates communication between different ideological clusters. The publicly available discussions on Twitter can serve as a basis for election forecasts and have the potential to complement opinion polls and prediction markets in the future.


Author(s):  
Aleksander Vilkov ◽  
◽  
Nikolaj Shestov ◽  
Andrei Abramov ◽  

Introduction. The purpose of this article is to find out to what extent the “social state” concept, brought to the fore of domestic political, social, and economic agendas by amendments to the Constitution of the Russian Federation, is able to satisfy the demand of the mass political consciousness in Russia for the image of the country’s future. Methods and materials. To solve this problem, a wide range of general scholarly and specific political science approaches and methods were used. The conclusions are based on the results of opinion polls conducted by the largest social surveys research organizations of Russia (i.e. “Russian Public Opinion Research Center”, “Levada-Center”, and “Public Opinion Foundation”), analysis of the programs of political parties, speeches of Russian politicians, as well as on the observation over the Russian political process. Analysis. The views of citizens on the prospects for the development of relations between the state and society in Russia are analyzed in relation to the political projects of leading Russian political actors; the prospects of key projects of the existing political, social, and economic system optimization in the context of their compliance with the needs of various social groups in modern Russia are considered; estimation of social risks of their implementation is given. Results. An inference is made that formation of a socially desired image of the future of Russia requires a significant adjustment of the main Russian political actors’ activities. Domestic political parties need a renewal of their leadership and relevant institutional and ideological reformatting; the highest bodies of state power need to adjust the political course – first of all, it is necessary to establish control over the use of natural resources, introduce a differentiated taxation system, and stimulate production. The lack of a clear response from government bodies and party structures to society’s requests for a just, socially responsible state creates risks for the stability of the domestic social and political system, and can be used by destructive political forces to implement the scenario of a “colour revolution” in Russia.


Author(s):  
Samuel L. Popkin

Crackup: The Republican Implosion and the Future of Presidential Politics explains how changes in campaign finance laws and the proliferation of mass media fractured the Republican Party into uncompromising groups with irreconcilable demands. The 2002 “McCain-Feingold” campaign finance reform bill aimed to weaken the power of big businesses and strengthen political parties by ending corporate donations to the parties. Instead, it weakened legislative leaders and made bipartisanship a four-letter word. Moving money outside the political parties fuelled the rise of “purity for profit” groups and Super PACs funded by billionaires with pet issues. This allowed self-promoting politicians to undermine intraparty colleagues with an unprecedented use of tactics once only used to disrupt the opposition.


2018 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Denny Arinanda Kurnia

General Election is a means of implementing the sovereignty of the people in direct, general, free, confidential, honest, and fair manner within the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia based on Pancasila and the Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia Year 1945. The election has many dynamics, expensive politics, lavish campaign funds for image politics, costly consulting and surveys of winning money, as well as money politics. The disclosure of political parties is highly important in the implementation of the elections due to the many streams of corruption used in the election. As a result, people do not believe in political parties, or some Indonesians are no longer sympathetic to political parties. The idea of a political party's financial transparency regulation should be carefully examined in the Indonesians’ election codification scheme. In the future, Indonesia must have a transparent and accountable campaign or political funding arrangement, along with strong sanctions and binding on the parties involved. Therefore, the people will restore their trust to the political parties, and assure the political parties to channel their aspirations in the granting of rights in the elections.Keywords: Finance; Political parties; Corruption


2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 24
Author(s):  
Adrian-Stelian Dumitru

The study of the political history of European construction is particularly important to explain the context in which the first institutional nuclei of European integration appeared. This paper identifies the main contributions from the interwar period to the project of a united Europe and their role in defining the process of creating the future European Union. The paper analyzes two main federalist projects namely "Pan-Europe" and "Briand initiative", looking at the similarities between them and at the elements prefigured by the two Europeanists of the federalist movement which are found in the current political-institutional configuration of the European Union. I conclude that Coudenhove-Kalergi and Aristide Briand’s proposals still represents, after 90 years since their drafting, core principles and values we recognise today in the European Union of 2020.


1970 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 160-177
Author(s):  
Muzaki Muzaki

The necessity of efforts to build harmony among religious believers in Indonesia recently increased significantly.This can be seen from the proliferation activities of interreligious dialogue in the regions. Strategic step for the future is to buildmutual understanding, cooperation, and appreciates other religion. To build a harmonious religious tolerance was necessaryactive role of all elements of the nation regardless of individual differences in beliefs, not to mention his own involvement in theorganization that allows for participation, such as with an active role through the Political Parties (Party), Non-GovernmentalOrganization (NGO) or other mass organizations (CBOs) and other social activities


2020 ◽  
Vol ahead-of-print (ahead-of-print) ◽  
Author(s):  
Tri Joko Waluyo

Purpose The purpose of this study is to examine the changing political orientation of Air Tiris, Kampar, Riau community towards Islamic political parties in general elections; to analyze the factors that influenced the political orientation of Air Tiris community in general elections; and to realize the political rights of the society including Air Tiris community. Design/methodology/approach The subject in this study is the political orientation of the Air Tiris community in the 1999, 2004, 2009 and 2014 general elections with a period of research from 2009 to 2016. This qualitative research method consists of sources, data collection, informants, data collection techniques, data analysis and processing and writing systematics. Findings The results of the research indicate that there are three dominant factors affecting the change in the political orientation of the Air Tiris community towards Islamic political parties characterized by the deterioration of vote acquisition for Islamic political parties in Air Tiris village in 1999, 2004, 2009 and 2014 general elections. The weakening of the link between religious identity and voting behaviour, as well as the weakening of political movement. The identification or loyalty of the santri community towards Islamic parties has faded. Originality/value The originality of this research lies in the analysis of the political orientation of Air Tiris, Kampar, Riau community, in general, elections towards Islamic political parties. Traditionally, this community has more political orientation on religious/Islamic political parties but such orientation experiences developments and changes that lead to non-Islamic parties. This research contains new information about the analysis of the political orientation of Air Tiris, Kampar, Riau community in the general election of Islamic political parties.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2020/2 ◽  
pp. 85-111
Author(s):  
Vytautas Petronis

RADICAL RUSSIAN MONARCHIST ORGANISATIONS AND THEIR ACTIVITIES IN VILNIUS IN 1906–1914 The article analyses the branches of imperial radical political parties that operated in Vilnius between 1906 and 1914, their history, members, ideology and activities. The research is divided into two periods of activity, 1906 to 1912, and 1912 to 1914. The first period saw the formation of branches of political parties, their political activities, and differentiation; whereas in the second period, after the 1912 elections to the Fourth Duma, radical monarchists withdrew from the political arena, and focused mostly on social, economic and religious spheres of urban life. The nucleus of the political movement was formed by the Orthodox clergy, teachers in public and private schools, junior civil servants, reservists, and railway workers. An important role when establishing branches of radical monarchist movements was played by certain members of the Old Believer community. With no support in the city, which was dominated by a foreign-born infidel population, they tried to penetrate the local Russian community and promote the old, monarchist, traditionalist and patriarchal dogmas declared in the ideologeme they advocated: ‘Orthodoxy, Autocracy, Nationalism’. When participating in the political struggle for a place in local dumas, radical monarchists in Vilnius not only distanced themselves from their more liberal counterparts, the nationalists, but also became involved in internal conflicts. The end of the 1905 revolution, the turn towards more secular Russian nationalism by Prime Minister Pyotr Stolypin, and disagreements between local monarchists, resulted in the torpidity of monarchism on the eve of the First World War.


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