scholarly journals La Unión Europea ante la responsabilidad de proteger: una aproximación a través del análisis de sus misiones en el marco de la Política Común de Seguridad y Defensa

Author(s):  
Nuria Hernández-García

<p>It is a rough time for the European Union (EU). A way of consolidating its leadership as a global actor would be through the implementation of its values and founding principles that it aims to export in its relations with another States. The EU has to be coherent with its Treaties and use the capabilities that it already has. The responsibility to protect is a possible solution for strengthening the role of the EU as a normative power while maintaining the international peace and security through the prevention of conflicts. A way of proving if the EU is on the right path to become a civil power is through the analysis of its CSDP missions.</p><p><strong>Received</strong>: 01 January 2018<br /><strong>Accepted</strong>: 19 October 2018<br /><strong>Published online</strong>: 11 December 2018</p>

Author(s):  
Alexandr S. Krivcov

Tensions between various ethnic groups living in Abkhazia, on the Black Sea coast, escalated into violent conflict in 1992-1993. At the heart of the conflict, which broke out along with a number of other conflicts after the collapse of the Soviet Union, lies the contradiction between the principles of territorial integrity and the right of nations to self-determination. This tension was centered around competing historical claims of Georgians and Abkhazians on the territory of Abkhazia. Abkhaz demands for greater autonomy increased when the Soviet Union collapsed. Nationalism spread, tension grew, and in 1992 a 13-month war began. This article assesses how the warring parties perceive the process of Europeanization of their region, as well as the role of the European Union in the conflict around Abkhazia and its possible outcome in the future. It is noted that the efforts made by the EU to facilitate the settlement of disputes on the Georgian-Abkhaz issue are long-standing and multifaceted. However, there is a dissonance between the EU’s strong interest in resolving these conflicts, its strong commitment and its long-standing involvement in promoting such a settlement, and its actual, ineffective contribution to this goal.


2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 9-25
Author(s):  
Małgorzata Myl ◽  

Today’s diplomacy is an ambiguous phenomenon which involves many diverse tools and actions undertaken by national and international actors. Diplomacy is undoubtedly one of a key element of international peace and security as it enables disputes and conflicts to be prevented . There is a host of measures and instruments that can be exercised at any stage of a crisis, among which are special political missions. This paper is an attempt to discuss the nature and role of a special political mission in preventive actions. The main attention is paid to the missions established by the United Nations and by the European Union. The considerations resulted in listing strengths of the special political missions and in identifying the challenges that should be faced in order to increase an effectiveness of the missions.


2018 ◽  
pp. 101-116
Author(s):  
Jolanta Bryła

The rapid evolution of numerous contemporary threats and the development of multilateralism constitute two significant driving forces for the intensified cooperation between the European Union and the United Nations as regards crisis management. Responding to crises (threats), both natural and man-induced, in an efficient manner requires effective crisis management in order to take steps as early as possible when a threat emerges. Given the increasing external expectations in this field addressed at the EU, it has gradually been developing relevant civil as well as military instruments of crisis management and response. The EU has also been developing collaboration with the UN which calls for increased commitment of regional organizations in bearing the costs of maintaining international peace and security. Although this cooperation is mutually beneficial, it is not free from weaknesses and limitations on various levels of operation.


2019 ◽  
Vol 18 (Vol 18, No 4 (2019)) ◽  
pp. 439-453
Author(s):  
Ihor LISHCHYNSKYY

The article is devoted to the study of the implementation of territorial cohesion policy in the European Union in order to achieve a secure regional coexistence. In particular, the regulatory and institutional origins of territorial cohesion policy in the EU are considered. The evolution of ontological models of cohesion policy has been outlined. Specifically, the emphasis is placed on the key objective of political geography – effectively combining the need for "territorialization" and the growing importance of networking. The role of urbanization processes in the context of cohesion policy is highlighted. Cross-border dimensions of cohesion policy in the context of interregional cooperation are explored. Particular emphasis is placed on the features of integrated sustainable development strategies.


Author(s):  
Antoine Vandemoorteele

This article analyzes the role of the European Union (EU) and Canada in the promotion of Security Sector Reforms (SSR) activities in two regional organizations, the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). The concept of SSR seeks to address the effective governance of security in post-conflict environment by transforming the security institutions within a country in order for them to have more efficient, legitimate and democratic role in implementing security. Recent debates within the EU have led to the adoption of an SSR concept from the Council and a new strategy from the European Commission on the SSR activities. Within the framework of the ESDP, the EU has positioned itself as a leading actor, in this domain, including in its crisis management operations. On the other hand, Canada, through its whole-of government and human security programs has also been an important actor in the promotion of SSR activities. Yet, even though several international organizations (including the United Nations, the OSCE and NATO) are effectively doing SSR activities on the ground, there does not exist a common framework within any of these organizations despite the role of the EU and Canada. As such, it is surprising to found no global common policy for SSR while this approach is precisely holistic in its foundations. Taking these elements into consideration, this paper analyzes two specific aspects : a) the absence of a common policy framework within international organizations and b) the major differences between the approaches of the OSCE and NATO in the domain of SSR and the implications for the EU and Canada’ roles.   Full extt available at: https://doi.org/10.22215/rera.v3i2.186


Author(s):  
Sergio DellaPergola

AbstractThis paper aims at providing a new systemic contribution to research about perceptions of antisemitism/Judeophobia by contemporary Jews in 12 European Union countries. The perspective – the viewpoint of the offended side – has been less prominent relatively in research literature on antisemitism. The data analysis demonstrates the potential power of Similarity Structure Analysis (SSA) as a better theoretical and empirical tool to describe and conceptualize the contents of chosen research issues. After a brief review of some methodological problems in the study of antisemitism, this paper will re-elaborate data first published in the report of the 2018 FRA study Experiences and Perceptions of Antisemitism – Second survey on Discrimination and Hate Crimes against Jews in the EU (FRA 2018a). Topics include the perceived importance of antisemitism as a societal issue, the contents of anti-Jewish prejudice and discrimination, channels of transmission, perpetrators of offenses, regional differences within Europe, and the role of antisemitism perceptions as a component of Jewish identification. Special attention is paid to the distinction between cognitive and experiential perceptions of antisemitism, and to the typology of practical, populist, political, and narrative antisemitism.


Author(s):  
S. Pogorelskaya

The article describes the transformation of German policy towards the European Union after the reunification of Germany, German proposals to overcome the Euro crisis of 2010–2011 and the future role of Germany in the EU.


2004 ◽  
Vol 37 (4) ◽  
pp. 509-522 ◽  
Author(s):  
Victor D. Bojkov

The article analyses the process of EU enlargement with reference to the progress that Bulgaria and Romania have made within it. It is argued that leaving them out of the wave of accession finalised in May 2004 for ten of the candidate states, has placed them in a situation of double exclusion. Firstly, their geographical belonging to the region of Southeast Europe has been rendered non-essential by their advanced position within the EU enlargement process. Secondly, their achievement in economic and political transition has been removed from the progress of the ten states, which joined the EU in May 2004 by delaying the time of their accession. As a result, any efforts in regional cooperation and integration between Bulgaria and Romania on one hand, and other Southeast European states on the other, have been effectively cancelled. Moreover, in current European politics, the two countries have come to serve the unenviable role of exemplifying on the part of the European Union how progress is being awarded and hesitation punished.


2013 ◽  
Vol 21 (3) ◽  
pp. 394-399
Author(s):  
Pieter Emmer

In spite of the fact that negotiations have been going on for years, the chances that Turkey will eventually become a full member of the European Union are slim. At present, a political majority among the EU-member states headed by Germany seems to oppose Turkey entering the EU. In the Netherlands, however, most political parties are still in favour of Turkey's membership. That difference coincides with the difference in the position of Turkish immigrants in German and Dutch societies.


2018 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 135-156
Author(s):  
Marco Inglese

Abstract This article seeks to ascertain the role of healthcare in the Common European Asylum System (CEAS). The article is structured as follows. First, it outlines the international conceptualisation of healthcare in the International Covenant of Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR) and the European Social Charter (ESC) before delving into the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR). Second, focusing on the European Union (EU), it analyses the role of Article 35 of the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union (the Charter) in order to verify its impact on the development of the CEAS. Third, and in conclusion, it will argue that the identification of the role of healthcare in the CEAS should be understood in light of the Charter’s scope of application. This interpretative approach will be beneficial for asylum seekers and undocumented migrants, as well as for the Member States (MSs).


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document