Scarcely an Immaculate Conception: New Professionalism Encounters Old Politics in the Formation of the Australian National History Curriculum

2013 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 11-20
Author(s):  
Tony Taylor

This paper deals with the political and educational background to the formation of the Australian national history curriculum first under the auspices of a newly-formed National Curriculum Board (2008-2009) and then under the auspices of the Australian Curriculum and Assessment Authority (2008-date) during the period 2008-2010. The author describes and analyses the political and educational circumstances that have led to interventions in the curriculum design process that may well vitiate the original intentions of the curriculum designers. The process of curriculum design began in 2008 with the formation of a professionally-based History Advisory Group of which the author was a member (2008-2012). The author outlines the activities and contribution of the History Advisory Group and its sometimes fraught relations with the Australian Curriculum and Assessment Authority. The author argues that these interventions which have been both political and educational, together with the well-intentioned process of consultation has led to unfortunate design changes and to politically-motivated delays in curriculum implementation which could lead to its being overturned by a successor conservative coalition government.

2018 ◽  
pp. 130
Author(s):  
Branwen Bingle

This article recognises the interplay between learners’ understanding of the world and the literature selected for, and read by, children as a result of current curriculum design within the UK. As part of the author’s doctoral study, an extensive review was conducted into the place of children’s literature in the development of socio-cultural constructs; this included an appraisal of the function of published narratives within the development of a national curriculum for English in the UK. The findings of the review detailed here identified that an ideological linkage between the study of literature and the development of sociocultural values resulted from an increased politicisation of the English curriculum, particularly post-2010. Within the social and historical debates, reading was identified as a specific mechanism for transmitting adult-centric ideas around spiritual, moral, social and cultural beliefs. Issues of power and control became emphasised within the review through the exploration of the actions of gatekeepers, including publishers, librarians, teachers and even politicians, as they attempted to define a preferred canon of literature for study. Throughout the wider literature, contemporary political discourse seemingly argued for dominance over and marginalisation of different factions of society without acknowledging the implicit and explicit bias found within. The review concluded that educators have a responsibility to teach critical literacy skills to enable young readers to negotiate the ideologies being presented to them, but, in the view of this author, this is only possible if teachers enable learners to interrogate for themselves the literature chosen as resources for the classroom. Key words: Children’s Literature, Curriculum, Ideology, Power, Reading   Resumen El siguiente artículo trata de la interacción entre la comprensión del mundo por parte de los aprendices y la literatura seleccionada para y leída por el alumnado como resultado del actual diseño curricular en Reino Unido. Como parte de la tesis doctoral de la autora, se llevó a cabo una revisión extensiva sobre el lugar de la literatura infantil en el desarrollo de los constructos socioculturales. Esto incluye una valoración de la función de las narrativas publicadas sobre el desarrollo de un currículum nacional para el inglés en Reino Unido. Los hallazgos de la revisión que se incluyen aquí, muestran que hay un vínculo entre el estudio de la literatra y el desarrollo de los valores socioculturales resultado de una politización creciente del currículum inglés, particularmente a partir de 2010. Entre los debates sociales e históricos, la lectura ha sido identificada como un mecanismo para transmitir ideas adultocéntricas sobre creencias espirituales, morales, sociales y culturales. Los problemas del poder y el control se enfatizan en la investigación a través de la exploración de las acciones de las agencias, incluyendo editoriales, personal de bibliotecas, docentes e, incluso, políticos, ya que intentan definir un canon literario preferido para su estudio. A través de una amplia literatura, el discurso político contemporáneo, aparentemente, ha defendido la dominación y la marginación de diferentes facciones de la sociedad sin tener presente el sesgo implícito y explícito que conlleva. La revisión concluye que los educadores y educadoras tienen una responsabilidad a la hora de enseñar destrezas de lectura crítica para permitir a los y las jóvenes lectores y lectoras negociar las ideologías que se les presentan. Pero desde el punto de vista de la autora, esto es solo posible si los docentes permiten al alumnado interrogar por ellos mismos la literatura que se escoge como recurso en el aula. Palabras clave: Literatura infantil, Currículo, Ideología, Poder, Lectura   Resum Aquest article tracta la interacció entre la comprensió del món per part dels aprenents i la literatura seleccionada per i llegida per infants, com  a resultat de l’actual disseny del currículum a Regne Unit. Com a part de la tesi doctoral de l’autora, es va dur a terme una revisió extensiva al voltant del lloc de la literatura infantil en el desenvolupament dels constructes socioculturals. Açò inclou una valoració de la funció de les narratives publicades entorn del desenvolupament d’un currículum nacional per a l’anglés a Regne Unit. Les troballes en la revisió detallades ací, identifiquen que hi ha un vincle entre l’estudi de la literatura i el desenvolupament dels valors socioculturals resultat d’una politització creixent del currículum anglés, particularment després de 2010. Entre els debats socials i històrics, la lectura ha sigut identificada com a un mecanisme per transmetre idees adultocèntriques sobre creences espirituals, morals, socials i culturals. Els problemes del poder i el control s’emfatitzen en la investigació a través de l’exploració de les accions de les agències, incloent editorials, personal de biblioteques, docents i fins i tot polítics, en tant que intenten de definir un cànon literari preferit per al seu estudi. A través d’una àmplia literatura, el discurs polític contemporani, aparentment, ha defensat la dominació i la marginalització de diferents faccions de la societat sense tindre present el biaix implícit i explícit que s’hi troba. La revisió conclou que els i les educadors i educadores tenen una responsabilitat per a ensenyar destreses de lectura crítica per tal de permetre als i les joves lectors i lectores negociar les ideologies que se’ls hi presenten; açò però, des del punt de vista de l’autora, és només possible si els docents permeten a l’alumnat contestar per ells mateixos la literatura que es tria com a recurs a l’aula. Paraules clau: Literatura infantil, Currículum, Ideologia, Poder, Lectura.


Perceptions ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 20
Author(s):  
Fiona Fackler

Benito Mussolini's Fascist dictatorship over Italy in the period between world wars remains a troubling element of the nation's history. It has heavily affected the contemporary politics and public displays of in addition to scholarship about the thriving artistic scene of that time, yet, the weight of Italy's Fascist legacy has either comprised the primary focus of or been entirely absent from studies on art in the 1920s-1930s until a recent academic interest in reinvestigating the political and cultural atmosphere of the period. This paper underlines the importance of such renewed critical interests in chapters of painful history and how those interests can influence public perceptions of national history and its outreach into contemporary culture. Specifically, I will examine the written and exhibited discrepancies between the life of the painter Mario Sironi under the regime and the life of selected paintings that perpetuate his existence in contemporary Italy. By comparing La Famiglia del Pastore in "Roma Anni Trenta: La Galleria d'Arte Moderna e Le Quadriennali (1931 - 1935 - 1939)" at the Galleria d'Arte Moderna and La Solitudine in "Time is Out of Joint" at the Galleria Nazionale I will analyze how exhibitions of art shape the Italian public's reception of this period. I contend that certain exhibiting styles can either deepen public reception and consideration for a work of art and the time from which it stems or can reduce understanding to that inspired by instantaneous connections, dependent on the institution's or curator's approach to context. For, no trip to a museum is simply a trip to a museum – whether actively or passively, museums shape how the public approaches the works in its halls and through these works, how the public approaches themselves and the world surrounding them.


2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (4-1) ◽  
pp. 191-213
Author(s):  
Larisa Logunova ◽  
◽  
Vladislav Rychkov ◽  

The policy of memory is a strategy of interaction between power institutions and social groups in the public space on issues of national history. Images of social memory are used by actors to create narratives – complete, plot-complete narratives of past events. Social groups declare their identity and the right to their own interpretations of historical events through the creation of narratives. The clash of alternative interpretations of events leads to a mnemonic conflict, which is the reflection of the political struggle for the right to memory. Dialogue and mediation are tools of memory policy. The logic of this policy implies reconciliation and solidarity of all social groups that have survived a single historical fate, but have a differentiated social memory. People remember how these events reflected on the fate of their families. The methodology of researching the politics of memory is based on sociocultural and historical-comparative analysis, combines phenomenological and constructivist approaches. In analyzing the problem, the article uses the theory of attraction fields of P. Bourdieu. Such a methodological construction helps to study the field structures of social memory, the specifics of constructing a narrative, and the possibilities of a political solution to the mnemonic problems of the nation. The policy of memory is presented as a tool for managing public consciousness in the mental structures of the community. It is contradictory, ideologically determined, involves the collision or coordination of alternative narratives. The structures of power that determine the rules of the “game” on the “memory field”, articulating “official narratives”, have the right to decide on the priority strategy of memory policy. But the influence on the formation of memory policy strategies is possessed by any social groups representing “unofficial” narratives. The construction of a memory policy is based on strategies — targeted, sequential actions that assert in the collective consciousness the version of national history as dominant. Strategies are embodied in variable scenarios - tactical measures of a situational nature that determine the moves and placement of acting characters for the implementation of strategies. The authors identified the main types of memory policy strategies: reproach (realization of a “martyrdom”), oblivion of the tragic past (crowding out facts contradicting “heroic” interpretations from official narratives), conflict of interpretations (contradicting “official” and “unofficial” narratives), dialogue (discourse and coordination of interpretations) with the relevant scenarios of the development of the political situation - the chanting of “historical greatness”, silence, repentance, contradictory narratives, reconciliation and solidarity . The result of the analysis of the problems of social memory in Russia are the theoretical constructs of the narrative confrontation with the following options for scenario solutions that formulate memory policy strategies.


2019 ◽  
Vol 15 (4) ◽  
pp. 340-348
Author(s):  
Jukka Nyyssönen

How has Sámi cultural heritage been incorporated into the national histories of Finland? How have the national and academic discourses constrained and enabled ways of writing about the Sámi in this genre? A complete change from a hierarchizing and at worst racializing perspective to a more matter-of-fact approach is detectable quite late on, from the 1980s onwards. The Sámi have remained on the periphery of Finnish historiography, but they have become integrated into the national history, even though they still serve to illustrate Finnish nation-building in this genre. The amount of updated archaeological and historical knowledge has increased, but the approach still under-communicates the political agency of the Sámi. The inherent methodological and history-political conservativism stunts the way the Sámi are dealt with so that the Sámi histories remain mostly uncommunicated.


2019 ◽  
Vol 72 (2) ◽  
pp. 457-491
Author(s):  
Luka Špoljarić

This article analyzes the “De Bellis Gothorum,” a long neglected and misunderstood history of the ancient Goths written in 1472–73 by Nicholas of Modruš, the leading Croatian-Illyrian bishop at the papal curia. By placing the work in its proper context, this article reconstructs a previously unknown episode in the political history of the fifteenth-century Adriatic. It is argued that the “De Bellis Gothorum” was in fact a national history that was meant to provide a trans-Adriatic network of Croatian and Bosnian nobles and churchmen with support from Naples and the papacy for their border wars against the Ottomans and reestablishment of their national kingdom.


2017 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Tiago Nery

O ciclo de governos progressistas no Brasil, que começou com a eleição de Lula em 2002 e terminou com a derrubada de Dilma Rousseff em 2016, foi responsável por uma política externa autônoma que procurou reposicionar o país e a América do Sul no sistema internacional. Os governos do Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT) lideraram uma coalizão produtivista heterogênea formada por frações da burguesia industrial e setores das classes trabalhadoras. Lula teve um papel importante na criação da Unasul, que constitui a dimensão política do regionalismo sul-americano. A ruptura da ordem democrática levou ao poder uma coalizão conservadora que reunificou as elites empresariais e alterou a orientação da política externa. A coalizão liderada pelo MDB-PSDB tem adotado uma política externa que subordinou o Brasil à potência hegemônica e vem contribuindo para a paralisia e a desconstrução da Unasul enquanto bloco geopolítico.ABSTRACTThe cycle of progressive governments in Brazil, which begun with Lula’s election in 2002 and ended with the overthrow of Dilma Rousseff in 2016, was responsible for an autonomous foreign policy that sought to reposition the country and South America in the international system. The Workers Party’s (PT) governments led a heterogeneous productivist coalition made up of fractions of the industrial bourgeoisie and sectors of the working classes. Lula played an important role in the creation of Unasur, which is the political dimension of South American regionalism. The rupture of the democratic order brought to power a conservative coalition that reunified the business elites and changed the orientation of foreign policy. The coalition led by MDB-PSDB has adopted a foreign policy that subordinated Brazil to the hegemonic power and has contributed to the paralysis and the deconstruction of Unasur as a geopolitical bloc.Palavras-chave: Política externa brasileira; coalizões políticas; UnasulKeywords: Brazilian foreign policy; political coalitions; UnasurRecebido em 6 de Julho de 2018 | Received on July 6, 2018Aceito em 6 de Setembro de 2018 | Accepted on September 6, 2018 


1993 ◽  
Vol 34 (3) ◽  
pp. 447-468 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ciraj Rassool ◽  
Leslie Witz

For all approaches to the South African past the icon of Jan Van Riebeeck looms large. Perspectives supportive of the political project of white domination created and perpetuate the icon as the bearer of civilization to the sub-continent and its source of history. Opponents of racial oppression have portrayed Van Riebeeck as public (history) enemy number one of the South African national past. Van Riebeeck remains the figure around which South Africa's history is made and contested.But this has not always been the case. Indeed up until the 1950s, Van Riebeeck appeared only in passing in school history texts, and the day of his landing at the Cape was barely commemorated. From the 1950s, however, Van Riebeeck acquired centre stage in South Africa's public history. This was not the result of an Afrikaner Nationalist conspiracy but arose out of an attempt to create a settler nationalist ideology. The means to achieve this was a massive celebration throughout the country of the 300th anniversary of Van Riebeeck's landing. Here was an attempt to display the growing power of the apartheid state and to assert its confidence.A large festival fair and imaginative historical pageants were pivotal events in establishing the paradigm of a national history and constituting its key elements. The political project of the apartheid state was justified in the festival fair through the juxtaposition of ‘civilization’ and economic progress with ‘primitiveness’ and social ‘backwardness’. The historical pageant in the streets of Cape Town presented a version of South Africa's past that legitimated settler rule.Just as the Van Riebeeck tercentenary afforded the white ruling bloc an opportunity to construct an ideological hegemony, it was grasped by the Non-European Unity Movement and the African National Congress to launch political campaigns. Through the public mediums of the resistance press and the mass meeting these organizations presented a counter-history of South Africa. These oppositional forms were an integral part of the making of the festival and the Van Riebeeck icon. In the conflict which played itself out in 1952 there was a remarkable consensus about the meaning of Van Riebeeck's landing in 1652. The narrative constructed, both by those seeking to establish apartheid and those who sought to challenge it, represented Van Riebeeck as the spirit of apartheid and the originator of white domination. The ideological frenzy in the centre of Cape Town in 1952 resurrected Van Riebeeck from obscurity and historical amnesia to become the lead actor on South Africa's public history stage.


Author(s):  
Pamela Allen

This paper focuses on the ways in which watershed events in Indonesian national history are illuminated in a work of fiction, and how a Javanese worldview gives rise to particular, localized understandings of the events. The work of fiction is Sitok Srengenge's first novel, Menggarami burung terbang (Seasoning the flying bird), the action of which is bracketed by the years 1948 and 1965. The protagonists of the novel are unassuming village folk who are bewildered at the political events and mass brutality that overtake them, and whose understanding of the world is filtered through natural omens. Such a worldview is described by Quinn (1992:124) as a 'teleological' view of phenomena, in other words a belief that everything that exists and happens - including natural omens - does so for a final purpose, that there is a reason for everything.


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