scholarly journals A política externa brasileira, as coalizões de poder e a Unasul: ascensão e desconstrução da América do Sul como bloco geopolítico | Brazilian foreign policy, the coalitions of power and UNASUR: rise and deconstruction of South America as a geopolitical blocA política externa brasileira, as coalizões de poder e a Unasul: ascensão e desconstrução da América do Sul como bloco geopolítico | Brazilian foreign policy, the coalitions of power and UNASUR: rise and deconstruction of South America as a geopolitical bloc

2017 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Tiago Nery

O ciclo de governos progressistas no Brasil, que começou com a eleição de Lula em 2002 e terminou com a derrubada de Dilma Rousseff em 2016, foi responsável por uma política externa autônoma que procurou reposicionar o país e a América do Sul no sistema internacional. Os governos do Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT) lideraram uma coalizão produtivista heterogênea formada por frações da burguesia industrial e setores das classes trabalhadoras. Lula teve um papel importante na criação da Unasul, que constitui a dimensão política do regionalismo sul-americano. A ruptura da ordem democrática levou ao poder uma coalizão conservadora que reunificou as elites empresariais e alterou a orientação da política externa. A coalizão liderada pelo MDB-PSDB tem adotado uma política externa que subordinou o Brasil à potência hegemônica e vem contribuindo para a paralisia e a desconstrução da Unasul enquanto bloco geopolítico.ABSTRACTThe cycle of progressive governments in Brazil, which begun with Lula’s election in 2002 and ended with the overthrow of Dilma Rousseff in 2016, was responsible for an autonomous foreign policy that sought to reposition the country and South America in the international system. The Workers Party’s (PT) governments led a heterogeneous productivist coalition made up of fractions of the industrial bourgeoisie and sectors of the working classes. Lula played an important role in the creation of Unasur, which is the political dimension of South American regionalism. The rupture of the democratic order brought to power a conservative coalition that reunified the business elites and changed the orientation of foreign policy. The coalition led by MDB-PSDB has adopted a foreign policy that subordinated Brazil to the hegemonic power and has contributed to the paralysis and the deconstruction of Unasur as a geopolitical bloc.Palavras-chave: Política externa brasileira; coalizões políticas; UnasulKeywords: Brazilian foreign policy; political coalitions; UnasurRecebido em 6 de Julho de 2018 | Received on July 6, 2018Aceito em 6 de Setembro de 2018 | Accepted on September 6, 2018 

2017 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 113-148
Author(s):  
Bernardo Salgado Rodrigues

Para que uma inserção internacional soberana de uma nação seja viável, deve-se necessariamente dispor de autonomia elevada para decidir acerca de suas políticas internas e externas. No que tange aos recursos naturais sul-americanos, a competição internacional pelas reservas, produção e renda está subordinada às geoestratégias dos Estados hegemônicos, que privilegiam a manutenção da ordem internacional em detrimento da defesa de interesses específicos dos Estados da América do Sul. Neste contexto, o presente artigo busca sistematizar uma estratégia de política externa no qual o uso e proveito dos recursos naturais sul-americanos seja endógeno, realizando uma análise dos principais recursos naturais da região e, simultaneamente, propondo a discussão acerca de uma política externa que abranja a soberania e autonomia dos recursos naturais. Palavras-chave: política externa, recursos naturais, América do Sul, soberania, integração regional.     Abstract: In a competitive and hierarchical international environment, the autonomy in the foreign policy of the States is indispensable for the decision of its internal and external policies. With respect to the South American natural resources, the international competition for reserves, production and income of these funds is subject to geostrategies of hegemonic states, which privilege the maintenance of its status quo in the international system over the defense of specific South America States' interests. In this context, it is essential to formulate a foreign policy strategy in which the use and advantage of South American natural resources is endogenous. By this context, this article aims to conduct an analysis of the main natural resources of the region and, at the same time, proposing the discussion of a foreign policy that covers the sovereignty and autonomy of natural resources. Keywords: foreign policy, natural resources, South America, sovereignty, regional integration.     Recebido em: outubro/2016; Aprovado em: abril/2017.


2018 ◽  
Vol 33 ◽  
Author(s):  
Erik Herejk Ribeiro

The political crisis in Venezuela is one of the most important regional developments for Brazil in 2016, aside from its own domestic crisis and the election of Macri in Argentina. The interim government has showed willingness to undertake major changes in Brazil’s regional foreign policy. The Venezuelan crisis is a parameter to analyze the political realignments after years of stability, but slower than intended progress in South American regional integration. The initial support for venezuelan opposition against the Chavist government symbolizes a swerve towards uncertainty in Mercosur and happens in the context of pressure to sign extra-regional economic agreements. Currently, interim Brazilian leadership is playing the “democracy card”, although the disrespect for democracy is not an exclusive feature of Venezuela in South America, but a recurring phenomenon in the region. Instead of blaming any side for the crisis, Brazil should use Unasur mechanisms to extinguish the fire and work for a middle path in the troubled transition of power in Venezuela. Thus, Brazil could revitalize Mercosur and persuade the South American leaders on the benefits of regionalism over unrestrained globalization. Otherwise, the Brazilian government may lose their bargaining position as a regional leader and interlocutor with the outside world; and South America may have a disordered process of globalization.


Author(s):  
Mikhail Valer'evich Gorbachev

  This article discusses the political projects of civilizational level, which are designed and implemented in South America. The author examines MERCOSUR as the largest regional civilizational political project, its sociocultural foundation and institutional superstructure; functionality of the “core state” in formation and maintenance of the South American civilizational political project; problems of development and future implementation. The article reveals conflict potential of MERCOSUR, as well as sociocultural capabilities for its overcoming by the “core state” of the project. The research was conducted via application of civilizational-project methodology of interpretation of policy, which is based on methodological synthesis of the principles of project approach with provisions of the theory of civilizations. The author was able to determine the value grounds of MERCOSUR, which comprise its sociocultural foundation; identify the countries competing for status of the “core state” within the framework of this project. The nature of commonality between the key participants of the projects is identified. Problems and prospect of further development of MERCOSUR civilizational projects are defined.  


2015 ◽  
Vol 57 (4) ◽  
pp. 1-27 ◽  
Author(s):  
Octavio Amorim Neto ◽  
Andrés Malamud

AbstractIs it domestic politics or the international system that more decisively influences foreign policy? This article focuses on Latin America's three largest powers to identify patterns and compare outcomes in their relations with the regional hegemon, the United States. Through a statistical analysis of voting behavior in the UN General Assembly, we examine systemic variables (both realist and liberal) and domestic variables (institutional, ideological, and bureaucratic) to determine their relative weights between 1946 and 2008. The study includes 4,900 votes, the tabulation of 1,500 ministers according to their ideological persuasion, all annual trade entries, and an assessment of the political strength of presidents, cabinets, and parties per year. The findings show that while Argentina's voting behavior has been determined mostly by domestic factors and Mexico's by realist systemic ones, Brazil's has a more complex blend of determinants, but also with a prevalence of realist systemic variables.


2010 ◽  
Vol 53 (spe) ◽  
pp. 151-168 ◽  
Author(s):  
Miriam Gomes Saraiva

The aim of this article is to analyze Brazil's foreign policy towards the South American region during President Lula's administration. As such, the article intends to highlight two specific dimensions: the extent to which foreign policy during this period has differed from previous periods and the relative importance granted by Brazilian diplomacy to recent cooperation and integration efforts, more specifically the Unasur and Mercosur. The article argues that the Lula administration has behaved differently from its predecessors by prioritizing the building up of Brazilian leadership in South America on several different fronts, especially by strengthening multilateral institutions in the region


2017 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 413-436
Author(s):  
David Paulo Succi Junior

O presente trabalho tem como objetivo analisar o modo em que a bibliografia especializada busca explicar o constante emprego das Forças Armadas – instrumento de política externa – em missões de segurança pública na América do Sul. São identificados três níveis de explicação: internacional, regional e nacional. Defende-se que as análises podem ser agrupadas em duas lógicas explicativas – positivismo e o pós-positivismo –, as quais distinguem-se não apenas em termos teóricos, mas também, sob a ótica da teoria crítica, em relação às suas consequências políticas. Considera-se que a compreensão positivista do fenômeno em questão leva a uma subordinação da política à técnica, enquanto as análises pós-positivistas evidenciam o caráter político da escolha de envolver o instrumento militar em segurança pública. Palavras-chave: Forças Armadas; Segurança Pública; América do Sul.     Abstract: The current paper aims to evaluate the way in which specialized scholars seek to clarify the constant employment of South Americans Armed Forces – foreign policy instrument – in public security. Three explanatory levels are identified: international, regional and domestic. It is argued that analyses can be classified in two logics of explanation – positivism and post positivism – that are distinguished by both its theoretical specificity and its politics implications. We sustain that rationalist explanation submits politics to technique, while post positivism analyses emphasize the political nature of the decision to involve the military in public security. Key-Word: Armed Forces; Public Security; South America.     Recebido em: fevereiro/2017. Aprovado em: agosto/2017.


2021 ◽  
Vol 12 ◽  
pp. e58886
Author(s):  
Willyan Alvarez Viégas ◽  
Bernardo Salgado Rodrigues

A segunda década do século XXI apresentou um cenário de fragilidades socioeconômicas com sucessivas crises políticas, ampliando a vulnerabilidade externa e a incapacidade estatal de planejamento na América do Sul. No plano regional, constata-se a proeminência da fragmentação, do regionalismo aberto e da retomada de projetos hemisféricos e/ou tratados de livre-comércio. O presente artigo possui o objetivo de ensejar o debate da integração sul-americana na década de 2020, a partir das experiências políticas deste início de século. Utilizando o método qualitativo da análise de documentos oficiais do embrionário Foro para o Progresso e Integração da América do Sul (PROSUL), a hipótese central é de que este novo bloco consiste numa tentativa de substituir o modelo prévio de integração autônoma por uma integração conservadora alinhada aos interesses liberais e estadunidenses. Por conseguinte, conclui-se que a América do Sul vem sendo afligida por um processo de desintegração regional.Palavras-chave: integração regional; América do Sul; PROSUL.ABSTRACTIn the second decade of the 21st century, South America presented socioeconomic fragilities with successive political crises, increasing the external vulnerability and the state's incapacity for planning. At the regional level, it was verified the prominence of fragmentation, open regionalism and the resurgence of hemispheric projects and free trade agreements. This article aims to promote the debate on South American integration in the 2020 decade, based on the political experiences of the beginning of this century. By Using the qualitative method of analyzing official documents of The Fórum para o Progresso e Integração da América do Sul (PROSUL), this article presents as its central hypothesis that this new block consists in an attempt to replace the previous model of autonomous integration with a conservative integration aligned to liberal and American interests. Consequently, this research concludes that there is a process of regional disintegration affecting South America in the last years.Keywords: regional integration; South America; PROSUL. Recebido em: 02 abr. 2021 | Aceito em: 05 out. 2021.


2020 ◽  
Vol 16 (s1) ◽  
pp. 113-134
Author(s):  
István Tarrósy ◽  
Zoltán Vörös

AbstractThis paper seeks to provide an overview of Hungary’s foreign policy priorities since the change of the political system of 1989–90. It intends to critically analyse the rise of pragmatism, in particular, in the new policy chapters of the ‘Turn towards the East’ and the ‘Opening to the South’, while it also looks at the international system itself with its recent developments and how Hungary has behaved in relation to them. Focal attention will be given to certain regions of the world, together with some global issues such as China, Turkey, Russia and Sub-Saharan Africa, as well as the ongoing refugee crisis and climate change.


2021 ◽  
Vol 26 ◽  
pp. 1-23

This research is an attempt to uncover the reality and method of Israeli penetration in the South American continent, and aims to draw attention to the weaknesses and mistakes in the role of Arab communities that they had to play in South America, and the position of Arab governments towards that continent. The research was divided into two main axes, as the first dealt with the means of Israeli penetration in South America until 1947, providing a brief overview of the roots of the penetration in the South American continent and the methods it adopted in achieving this. While the second axis focused on the stance of the South American countries on the Arab-Israeli conflict (1947-1973). However, the Israeli infiltration was affecting the political decision-makers in that continent towards the decision to partition Palestine up to the October 1973 war. Key words: the penetration, Palestine, Israel, immigration, Arabs, America


2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 28-44
Author(s):  
A. P. Tsygankov

The article discusses the modern stage of international relations as a transition from the US-centric to another, polycentric world order. America has many opportunities to infl uence the formation of the future world order, which it uses for maintaining a dominant role in the world. However, America also has severe weaknesses for making the global transition; the main one considers the psychological unpreparedness of the country’s establishment for a change in the global role of the United States. The country’s transitional situation gives rise to an identity crisis, accompanied by the most heated debates in the political class regarding the development of foreign policy and strategy. In the variety of positions and narratives of the American strategy, one can distinguish (1) proponents of the liberal globalization and maintaining America’s dominant position, (2) advocates of superpower status and resource dominance by coercion and (3) realists or those who call for building a new global balance of power and coordinating the US interests with other powers. This identity crisis is associated with the globally changing position of the country that has been at the center of the international system for the past 75 years. The American political class was never monolithic before and even during the Cold War, representing a range of diff erent foreign policy ideas and positions. However, foreign policy disagreements previously did not question the national identity and fundamental value of the country. For America, these values were associated with a global role in promoting the ideals of freedom and liberal democracy, previously underpinned by confrontation with the USSR. The disappearance of the Soviet power strengthened the position of liberal globalists and enhanced the strategic narrative of the global promotion of American values. The diff erence of the contemporary period is that nationalists and realists no longer accept the arguments of liberal globalists, resulting in a deepening of ideological polarization in the political class and society. The domestic ideational and political crisis splits the elites, delays the transition to a new world order, and makes it impossible to pursue a sound international strategy. Such a strategy will be the result of both an internal political struggle and a response of the country’s leadership to the processes of pluralization and polycentrism developing in the world.


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