scholarly journals The ERG at MRP 2019: Radically Compositional Semantic Dependencies

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stephan Oepen ◽  
Dan Flickinger
2022 ◽  
Vol 6 (POPL) ◽  
pp. 1-30
Author(s):  
Alan Jeffrey ◽  
James Riely ◽  
Mark Batty ◽  
Simon Cooksey ◽  
Ilya Kaysin ◽  
...  

Program logics and semantics tell a pleasant story about sequential composition: when executing (S1;S2), we first execute S1 then S2. To improve performance, however, processors execute instructions out of order, and compilers reorder programs even more dramatically. By design, single-threaded systems cannot observe these reorderings; however, multiple-threaded systems can, making the story considerably less pleasant. A formal attempt to understand the resulting mess is known as a “relaxed memory model.” Prior models either fail to address sequential composition directly, or overly restrict processors and compilers, or permit nonsense thin-air behaviors which are unobservable in practice. To support sequential composition while targeting modern hardware, we enrich the standard event-based approach with preconditions and families of predicate transformers. When calculating the meaning of (S1; S2), the predicate transformer applied to the precondition of an event e from S2 is chosen based on the set of events in S1 upon which e depends. We apply this approach to two existing memory models.


2020 ◽  
Vol 39 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-39
Author(s):  
Andreas Blümel ◽  
Mingya Liu

AbstractIn the literature on relative clauses (e. g. Alexiadou et al.2000: 4), it is occasionally observed that the German complex definite determiner d-jenige (roughly ‘the one’) must share company with a restrictive relative clause, in contrast to bare determiners der/die/das (Roehrs2006: 213–215; Gunkel2006; Gunkel2007). Previous works such as Sternefeld (2008: 378–379) and Blümel (2011) treat the relative clause as a complement of D to account for its mandatory occurrence. While such syntactic analyses have intuitive appeal, they pose problems for a compositional semantic analysis.The goal of this paper is twofold. First, we report on two rating studies providing empirical evidence for the obligatoriness of relative clauses in German DPs introduced by the complex determiner d-jenige. Secondly, following Simonenko (2014, 2015), we provide an analysis of the phenomenon at the syntax-semantics interface that captures familiar (Blümel2011) as well as novel related observations. Particularly, the analysis accounts for the facts that postnominal modifiers can figure in d-jenige-DPs and that the element can have anaphoric demonstrative pronominal uses.


2005 ◽  
Vol 20 (6) ◽  
pp. 50-58 ◽  
Author(s):  
Chung-Hsien Wu ◽  
Liang-Chih Yu ◽  
Fong-Lin Jang

Radiotekhnika ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 129-137
Author(s):  
V. Zhyrnov ◽  
S. Solonskaya

In this paper a method to transform radar images of moving aerial objects with scintillating inter-period fluctuations, sometimes resulting to complete signal fading, using the Talbot effect is considered. These transformations are reduced to the establishment of a certain correspondence of the asymptotic equality of perception of visual images, arbitrarily changing in time and space, in the statement about the conditions of simple equality of perception of images of radar marks that have different frequencies of fluctuations. It is shown how this approach can be used to analyze radar data by transforming and smoothing scintillating signal fluctuations, invisible in the presence of interference, into visible symbolic images. First, to detect and recognize the aerial objects from the analysis of relations and functional (semantic) dependencies between attributes, second, to make a decision based on semantic components of symbolic radar images. The possibility of using such transformation to generate pulse-frequency code of fluctuations of the symbolic radar angel-echo images as an important characteristic for their recognition has been experimentally verified. Algorithms for generating symbolic images in asynchronous and synchronous pulse-frequency code are formulated. The symbolic image represented by such a code is considered as an additional feature for recognizing and filtering out natural interferences such as angel-echoes.


2015 ◽  
Vol 27 (2) ◽  
pp. 227-254 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joanna Nykiel

AbstractI offer a diachronic perspective on English ellipsis alternation, or the alternation between inclusion and omission of prepositions from remnants under sluicing and bare argument ellipsis. The relative freedom to omit prepositions from remnants has not been stable in English; this freedom is connected to the strength of semantic dependencies between prepositions and verbs. Remnants without prepositions are first attested, but remain less frequent than remnants with prepositions, as late as Early Modern English and gain in frequency following this period. I demonstrate that three constraints—correlate informativity, structural persistence, and construction type—predict ellipsis alternation in Early and Late Modern English. However, predicting ellipsis alternation in present-day English requires semantic dependencies in addition to the three constraints. The constraints can be subsumed under principles of language processing and production (considerations of accessibility, a tendency to reuse structure, and a conventionalized performance preference for efficiently accessing constituents that form processing domains), permitting a unified processing account of ellipsis alternation with cross-linguistic coverage.


2020 ◽  
pp. 38-52
Author(s):  
Valentina Bianchi

In past and future perfect sentences, punctual time adverbials like at five o’clock can specify either the Event Time or the Reference Time. In Italian, their interpretation is affected by syntactic position: a clause-peripheral adverbial allows for both interpretations, while a clause-internal adverbial only has the E-interpretation. Moreover, for clause-peripheral adverbials the presence of the adverb già (already) blocks the E-interpretation. It is shown that this pattern can be accounted for under a smuggling analysis, in which (i) the adverbial is merged as a DP in a functional projection intervening between T and the subject in the edge of v/VP, thus blocking Agree between them; (ii) smuggling of v/VP past the adverbial solves the intervention effect; and (iii) an E-adverbial originates in a projection below già (already), while an R-adverbial originates in a projection above it. A compositional semantic analysis is provided for the proposed syntactic structure.


2016 ◽  
Vol 9 (4) ◽  
pp. 603-636 ◽  
Author(s):  
PETRA AUGURZKY ◽  
OLIVER BOTT ◽  
WOLFGANG STERNEFELD ◽  
ROLF ULRICH

abstractThe present ERP study investigates the neural correlates of pictorial context effects on compositional-semantic processing. We examined whether the incremental processing of questions involving quantifier restriction is modulated by the reliability of pictorial information. Contexts either allowed for an unambiguous meaning evaluation at an early sentential position or were ambiguous with respect to whether a further restrictive cue could trigger later meaning revisions. Attention was either guided towards (Experiment 1) or away from (Experiment 2) the picture–question mapping. In both experiments, negative answers elicited a broadly distributed negativity opposed to affirmative answers as soon as an unambiguous truth evaluation was possible. In the presence of ambiguous context information, the truth evaluation initially remained underspecified, as an early commitment would have resulted in the risk of a semantic reanalysis. The negativity was followed by a late positivity in Experiment 1, but not in Experiment 2, suggesting that attention towards the mismatch affected semantic processing, but only at a later time window. The current results are consistent with the notion that an incremental meaning evaluation is dependent on the reliability of contextual information.


1999 ◽  
Vol 11 (3) ◽  
pp. 231-266 ◽  
Author(s):  
John A. Hawkins

This article argues against Manner–Place–Time and other proposed grammatical principles of ordering for prepositional phrases (PPs) in postverbal position in English. Instead, greater empirical adequacy can be achieved by a theory of processing efficiency that defines a preference for minimal domains in the recognition of syntactic phrase structure and in the processing of lexical–semantic dependencies between verbs and prepositions. Some new entailment tests are proposed on the basis of which these dependencies can be defined. The data come from 500 pages of written English. For 300 pages, an additional analysis is given in terms of structural ambiguity avoidance and pragmatic information status. Syntactic complexity is the biggest single predictor of PP sequences, whereas lexical–semantic factors predominate when syntactic preferences are weak. Manner–Place–Time is not the correct semantic generalization, however. Ambiguity avoidance had no clear impact on these orderings. Pragmatic effects were not visible when syntactic weight made no predictions and were correlated with weight when it did but were less strongly supported.


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