scholarly journals Homophony and Contrast Neutralization in Southern Min Tone Sandhi Circle

Author(s):  
Tsz-Him Tsui
Keyword(s):  
1984 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-34
Author(s):  
William L. Ballard

An initial assay of Wu and Min lexical tone sandhi opens inquiry into a possible source : Austronesian pitch accent, and into a sandhi origin for the "third" tone ( qu/departing ). One important element in such an assay is the feature Right/Left : focus = preservation, stress, retention, etc, towards the Right or towards the Left. Northern Wu appears to be focus Left, and destressing seems to be spreading in the area. Southern Wu and Min are focus Right. Southern Wu focus does not prevent some Right mergers, and often it is the last two syllables acting together that is the focus. Northern Min shows similarities to Southern Wu, but Southern Min can be said to have no tone sandhi at all : The Amoy et al tone circles appear to be artifacts of changes in isolation values, since they are virtual reconstructions of the probable prototone values. The one Hakka dialect examined appears to be like Northern Min/Southern Wu. On the basis of this assay, I would hazard the guess that in the study of the origin of lexical tone sandhi, Southern Min should be classified with the Cantonese/Thai type, Northern Wu as a separate type heavily influenced by Mandarin, and Southern Wu/Northern Min as the preservation of the oldest, most Austronesianoid type of sandhi. Further speculation would be foolhardly until more information is available and more detailed comparisons and histories are drawn up.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Xi Zhang ◽  
Ian Cross

The Chaozhou dialect is a branch of Southern Min Chinese with eight tones and a wealth of tone sandhi. In this paper we explore whether there is a tone-sandhi effect on melodic construction and tone realisation in Chaozhou song, using a corpus analysis and observational study. Outcomes from the corpus analysis show a strikingly higher rate of tone-melody matching in Sandhi dataset than that in Citation dataset. In the observational study, we found significant differences between sandhi form and citation form concerning tones /53/ and /21/, but no significant difference for tones /35/ and /213/. Results suggest that falling tones in the final position of a phrase tended to exhibit a larger contoural range, and that tones in non-final positions may be more affected by the pitches of tones that precede or follow them.


Author(s):  
Suki Yiu

This paper examines the application of the Iambic/Trochaic Law to complex tone languages like Jieyang (Teochew, Southern Min). With bidirectional tone sandhi on top of its six-tone inventory, duration and intensity measurements were obtained and fitted into Linear Mixed Effects Regression models to inspect whether duration and intensity contrasts of the two sandhi types match the predictions based on the Law. Results confirmed an interaction between rhythmic type and sandhi type, and that prominence indicated by duration and intensity contrasts largely behaves the way as predicted by the Law. This suggests that tone sandhi can be metrically-motivated via duration and intensity, contributing to the rhythmic organization of tone languages altogether.This paper has provided novel support for metrical prominence of tone languages based on the Iambic/Trochaic Law, adding complex tone languages and production results to the recent literature on rhythmic groupings.


1989 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 163-182 ◽  
Author(s):  
William Ballard
Keyword(s):  

Author(s):  
Si Chen ◽  
Yunjuan He ◽  
Chun Wah Yuen ◽  
Bei Li ◽  
Yike Yang

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