scholarly journals Domestic Dynamics on Foreign Policy: India's Withdrawal from Regional Comprehensive Partnership Agreement (RCEP) Negotiations

2021 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 23
Author(s):  
Noudy Naufal

India’s decision to withdraw from Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) has been one of the shocking event in the development of international trade. Not only obstructing many regionalist agenda between India and the whole of Asia-Pacific region, this decision is considered to be in the exact opposite of India’s attempts to direct its foreign policy towards its eastern neighbours, especially on the East and Southeast Asia, through India’s participations in several free trade agreements. This thesis will attempt to explain India’s withdrawal from RCEP negotiation by looking at domestic factors. It argues that domestic pressures are the main factors for India to withdraw from RCEP’s negotiation rounds. In this research, the author will use conceptual framework developed by Thomas Risse-Kappen to classify the influences of domestic actors on foreign policy of a country based on its political system and societal groups to understand more the influences of domestic actors to Indian foreign policy. This research also shows that apart from domestic stakeholders perceptions that  the country’s membership in the RCEP doesn’t benefit their economic interests, huge pressures came especially from Hindu nationalist groups, especially from Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), as the core mass support of the current government’s party under the premiership of Narendra Modi (Bharatiya Janata Party – BJP), has been one of the major domestic pressures to understand the roots on India’s withdrawal from RCEP’s negotiation rounds.

Significance Delhi and Hanoi declared a ‘strategic partnership’ in 2007 and a ‘comprehensive strategic partnership’ in 2016. Each is wary of China’s growing power. Impacts Election of new leaders at the Communist Party of Vietnam’s upcoming national congress will have little impact on Hanoi’s foreign policy. India will resist calls to join the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership. Cambodia and Laos will remain the two ASEAN members most closely aligned with China.


2014 ◽  
Vol 42 (2) ◽  
pp. 241-292 ◽  
Author(s):  
Genevieve Tung

In September 2008, the United States Trade Representative (USTR) announced the United States’ intention to join Singapore, New Zealand, Brunei, and Chile in what was then called the Trans-Pacific Strategic Economic Partnership Agreement, a preferential trade agreement. Since then, the agreement has grown in scope and ambition. The negotiations to create what is now known as the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) have expanded to include seven other nations. The USTR wants the TPP to be “an ambitious, next-generation, Asia-Pacific trade agreement that reflects U.S. economic priorities and values.” According to the USTR's webpage dedicated to the agreement, the administration is “working in close partnership with Congress and with a wide range of stakeholders, in seeking to conclude a strong agreement that addresses the issues that U.S. businesses and workers are facing in the 21st century.”


Asian Survey ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 56 (6) ◽  
pp. 1005-1016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Vinod K. Aggarwal

This special issue focuses on the rise of mega-FTAs—which involve efforts to liberalize trade across geographical regions with a multiplicity of countries—in the Asia-Pacific. We examine how the Trans-Pacific Partnership and the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership in this region have faced political resistance as negotiators attempt to address behind-the-border issues.


2013 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 144-164 ◽  
Author(s):  
Inkyo Cheong ◽  
Jose Tongzon

Several initiatives have emerged for regional economic integration in the Asia-Pacific region. The United States has led the negotiations for the Trans-Pacific Partnership agreement, and ASEAN countries have recently started to promote the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership. This paper estimates the net economic impact of these initiatives by eliminating the overlapping portions of free trade agreement–related economic gains through the use of a dynamic computable general equilibrium model. The paper analyzes the economic and political feasibility of these two initiatives and assesses their economic impacts. Finally, the paper provides implications for economic integration in East Asia based on a quantitative assessment.


2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (30) ◽  
pp. 33-56
Author(s):  
Juan José Ramírez Bonilla ◽  

En este texto se propone una lectura particular del proyecto transregional Asia del Pacífico-América del Norte-Europa (diseñado y puesto en práctica parcialmente por los asesores comerciales de Donald Trump) y de las condiciones en que enfrenta la competencia política del Comprehensive and Progressive Trans Pacific Partnership Agreement (CPTPP, encabezado por el Gobierno japonés) y del Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP, liderado por el Gobierno chino). En ese marco, el artículo destaca los alcances de cada una de esas iniciativas en materia de regulación comercial, y, recurriendo al ejemplo de Japón, muestra cómo cada gobierno está dispuesto a hacer concesiones comerciales a sus contrapartes, en función de cada socio y de cada acuerdo comercial. En el trabajo se propone que los asesores de la administración Trump marcaron un giro al abandonar la formación de capital, para adoptar el consumo de las familias y del Gobierno, como la principal ventaja comparativa de la economía estadounidense; en ese nuevo contexto, el acceso a los mercados estadounidense y/o norteamericano, bajo condiciones privilegiadas, tiene como costo aceptar y cumplir las regulaciones de los acuerdos bilaterales con Estados Unidos y/o del United States-Canada-Mexico Agreement (USMCA). El autor concluye que las contrapartes asiáticas y norteamericana del Gobierno estadounidense necesitan revisar las relaciones comerciales entre ellos para cerrar el círculo de los acuerdos bilaterales y beneficiarse de la iniciativa estadounidense.


2021 ◽  
pp. 129-134
Author(s):  
L. N. Talalova ◽  
Chu Thanh Hang ◽  
A. V. Morozova

The political and economic context for India based on the results of the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership Agreement (RCEP) signed in November 2020 is considered. The benefits of strengthening economic cooperation for the participating countries from its signing are characterized. The hypothetical advantages for India in the case of its entry into RCEP are analyzed. In connection with country’s opting out of RCEP the authors have highlighted three segments of reasons for studying (political, legal and economic) that caused such India’s decision. Among the political reasons for India’s opting out of RCEP the problem of the Indo-Chinese border conflict over disputed territory escalating is emphasized. Among the legal reasons that determined opting out of the treaty, the issues of investment policy and intellectual property outside the World Trade Organization frameworks are noted. The economic reasons offset the benefits of RCEP for India are investigated. The connection between all three segments of causes is demonstrated. The experts’ forecasts is evaluated for India’s entry into third place in the world economy in terms of the gross domestic product contribution and the prerequisites for this are studied. It is concluded about the possibility of achieving the goal if a number of conditions are met and a set of necessary measures is carried out.


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