scholarly journals International Trade Law and Information Policy: A Recent History

2014 ◽  
Vol 42 (2) ◽  
pp. 241-292 ◽  
Author(s):  
Genevieve Tung

In September 2008, the United States Trade Representative (USTR) announced the United States’ intention to join Singapore, New Zealand, Brunei, and Chile in what was then called the Trans-Pacific Strategic Economic Partnership Agreement, a preferential trade agreement. Since then, the agreement has grown in scope and ambition. The negotiations to create what is now known as the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) have expanded to include seven other nations. The USTR wants the TPP to be “an ambitious, next-generation, Asia-Pacific trade agreement that reflects U.S. economic priorities and values.” According to the USTR's webpage dedicated to the agreement, the administration is “working in close partnership with Congress and with a wide range of stakeholders, in seeking to conclude a strong agreement that addresses the issues that U.S. businesses and workers are facing in the 21st century.”

2017 ◽  
Vol 111 ◽  
pp. 92-95
Author(s):  
Kathleen Claussen

These remarks are derived from a forthcoming work considering the future of international trade law. Compared with most features of the international legal system, the regional and bilateral trade law system is in the early stages of its evolution. For example, the United States is a party to fourteen free trade agreements currently in force, all but two of which have entered into force since 2000. The recent proliferation of agreements, particularly bilateral and regional agreements, is not unique to the United States. The European Union recently concluded trade agreement negotiations with Canada, Singapore, and Vietnam to add to its twenty-seven agreements in force and is negotiating approximately ten additional bilateral or multilateral agreements. In the Asia-Pacific Region, the number of regional and bilateral free trade agreements has grown exponentially since the conclusion of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) Free Trade Area of 1992. At that time, the region counted five such agreements in force. Today, the number totals 140 with another seventy-nine under negotiation or awaiting entry into force. The People's Republic of China is negotiating half a dozen bilateral trade agreements at present to top off the sixteen already in effect. India likewise is engaged in at least ten trade agreement negotiations. The World Trade Organization (WTO) reports 267 agreements of this sort in force among its members as of July 1, 2016.


Significance Beijing’s announcement came shortly after it and 14 other Asia-Pacific countries signed the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP), the world’s largest free trade agreement (FTA). Some US partners want Washington to join the CPTPP. Impacts As the largest economy in RCEP, China will have greater leverage in defining trade standards in the region. RCEP’s standardised rules of origin will enable its members to strengthen supply chains within the bloc. The United States remaining outside the CPTPP could diminish the pact’s appeal to the United Kingdom, which wants to become a member.


2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Salim Rashid ◽  
Irwan Shah Zainal Abidin

The Trans-Pacific Partnership Agreement (TPPA) is an economic partnership pact negotiated by 12 countries in three continents, namely Australia, Brunei, Canada, Chile, Japan, Malaysia, Mexico, New Zealand, Peru, Singapore, United States and Vietnam. The TPPA has evolved into the Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans Pacific Partnership (CPTPP), when the United States pulled out from the multilateral free trade deal in 2018. Malaysia began negotiations on the TPPA in August 2010, and participated as a full negotiating member from October 2010 onwards.The TPPA itself was based on the United States-Korea Free Trade Agreement (KORUS), which was completed in 2011. This agreement provided a benchmark to decide and evaluate on several issues in the CPTPP. The overall intent of the CPTPP is a simple one: it is to extend non-discriminatory practices to all CPTPP members. This does not mean that regulations and restrictions will not exist that such regulations will apply equally to Malaysian and non-Malaysian CPTPP members. Contentious issues in the CPTPP will be analyse and discuss in this book. Is the Malaysian economy ready for the CPTPP rules especially in the financial and capital markets? To what extent that Bank Negaras ability to retain their power to intervene when either the balance of payments or the currency is felt to be under threat with CPTPP? What are the impacts of CPTPP to the real economic side of the Malaysian economy? Will national rights are being relinquished under CPTPP? How about the concern over investor-state dispute settlement (ISDS)? This book will address these issues in an objective and rational manner.


Author(s):  
Earl H. Fry

This article examines the ebb and flow of the Quebec government’s economic and commercial relations with the United States in the period 1994–2017. The topic demonstrates the impact of three major forces on Quebec’s economic and commercial ties with the US: (1) the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) which became operational in 1994 and was fully implemented over a 15-year period; (2) the onerous security policies put in place by the US government in the decade following the horrific events of 11 September 2001; and (3) changing economic circumstances in the United States ranging from robust growth to the worst recession since the Great Depression of the 1930s. The article also indicates that the Quebec government continues to sponsor a wide range of activities in the United States, often more elaborate and extensive than comparable activities pursued by many nation-states with representation in the US. 1 1 Stéphane Paquin, ‘Quebec-U.S. Relations: The Big Picture’, American Review of Canadian Studies 46, no. 2 (2016): 149–61.


2013 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 144-164 ◽  
Author(s):  
Inkyo Cheong ◽  
Jose Tongzon

Several initiatives have emerged for regional economic integration in the Asia-Pacific region. The United States has led the negotiations for the Trans-Pacific Partnership agreement, and ASEAN countries have recently started to promote the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership. This paper estimates the net economic impact of these initiatives by eliminating the overlapping portions of free trade agreement–related economic gains through the use of a dynamic computable general equilibrium model. The paper analyzes the economic and political feasibility of these two initiatives and assesses their economic impacts. Finally, the paper provides implications for economic integration in East Asia based on a quantitative assessment.


2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (11) ◽  
pp. 1372-1375
Author(s):  
Md. Habib Alam

The United States of America is a part of the globalization of international trade law. The USA is known as a leading global trader among all nations. The President of the USA plays a vital role in the development of international trade law. On 8 November 2016, Donald Trump was elected as president of the United States of America. Donald Trump engaged in different trade deals and policies with different countries and international institutions. The trade deals and policies are withdrawal from TPP, reshaping NAFTA, reforming WTO, and imposing tariffs on foreign goods. On 8 November 2020, CNN commented, Joe Biden will be the next president of the USA. Many scholars expressed different thoughts relating to the reforming international trade law by Joe Biden. The main aim of Joe Biden will be to remove trade barriers and end artificial trade wars with different foreign nations. My research will suggest how Joe Biden may overcome these issues for the betterment of the international trade law around the world.


2019 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 359-391 ◽  
Author(s):  
Debashis CHAKRABORTY ◽  
Julien CHAISSE ◽  
Xu QIAN

AbstractSince the inception of the WTO in 1995, India enthusiastically explored export-promotion strategies through multilateral trade reforms. However, the country has moved towards the regional trade route since 2004, primarily owing to the slow progress of the Doha Round negotiations. As a result, the whole architecture of international trade law and governance is being redesigned in the Asia Pacific region. This paper focuses on the pivotal role played by India in this rebalancing. Given the stress on services exports and investment requirements, India focused on entering into comprehensive agreements encompassing merchandise and services trade as well as investment provisions. Presently, India is involved in the ongoing Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership [RCEP] negotiations, where ASEAN remains at the core. The current analysis evaluates the Indo-ASEAN trade patterns and evolving dynamics over the last decade through select trade indices, and comments on the future of the RCEP.


2011 ◽  
Vol 56 (4) ◽  
pp. 821-862 ◽  
Author(s):  
Chin Leng Lim

An East Asian view about how trade dispute settlement systems should be designed is slowly emerging. Democratically-inspired trade law scholarship and cultural explanations of the international law behaviour of the Southeast and Northeast Asian trading nations have failed to capture or prescribe the actual treaty behaviour of these nations. Instead, such behaviour has resulted in the emergence of two different treaty models for the peaceful settlement of trade disputes. The first, which seems firmly established, may be found in ASEAN’s 2004 dispute settlement protocol and the regimes established under the China-ASEAN, Korea-ASEAN, Japan-ASEAN, and ASEAN-Australia-New Zealand FTAs. A second model, based on the Trans-Pacific Strategic Economic Partnership Agreement, could in time become an alternative model for an Asia-Pacific-wide FTA (i.e., including the East Asian nations within it). It adopts a more open approach; one which better accommodates greater transparency in dispute proceedings. At least for now, the two models coexist, obviating the need for East Asia’s legal policy-makers to choose a clear, dominant design for treaty-based trade dispute settlement in the region. But it also means that East Asia’s trading partners can influence East Asian nations, at least in those trade agreements that—like the Trans-Pacific Partnership Agreement—involve negotiations with trans-continental partners.


2012 ◽  
Vol 51 (3) ◽  
pp. 525-534
Author(s):  
Christopher M. Ryan ◽  
Jonathan L. Greenblatt

On January 17, 2012, the United States Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia (‘‘D.C. Circuit’’) issued its decision in Republic of Argentina v. B.G. Group PLC, overturning a final award of a United Nations Commission on International Trade Law (‘‘UNCITRAL’’) arbitral tribunal issued in favor of BG Group PLC (‘‘BG Group’’). According to the Court, the arbitral tribunal exceeded its authority by taking jurisdiction over the dispute when BG Group failed to first submit its claims to the courts of Argentina for a period of eighteen months, as required by the Agreement Between theGovernment of the UnitedKingdomof Great Britainand Northern Ireland andthe Government of the Republic of Argentina for the Promotion and Protection of Investments (the ‘‘U.K.-Argentina BIT’’).


2017 ◽  
Vol 44 (4) ◽  
pp. 81-98 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rubrick Biegon

The nascent Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) trade agreement puts the United States at the center of an expanding liberalization regime connecting the Americas to the Asia-Pacific region. U.S. power is bound up with the globalization of Latin America’s political economy, and the TPP is indicative of U.S. efforts to renew its hegemony in the region. It reinforces the importance of “free trade” on the post–Washington Consensus agenda, undercutting existing Latin American–led approaches to integration while responding to China’s growing influence in the hemisphere. As the free-trade consensus is reconstructed through the TPP process, U.S. hegemony in the Americas is potentially extended even as it continues to face challenges in the structural, institutional, and ideological dimensions of intrahemispheric affairs. El naciente Acuerdo Transpacífico de Cooperación Económica (TPP) coloca a Estados Unidos al centro de un régimen de liberalización en expansión que conecta a las Américas con la región Asia-Pacífico. El poder estadunidense está vinculado a la globalización de la economía política latinoamericana, y el TPP es indicativo de los esfuerzos de Estados Unidos por renovar su hegemonía en la región. Refuerza la importancia del “libre comercio” en la agenda establecida después del Consenso de Washington, socavando los intentos latinoamericanos de integración regional mientras responde a la creciente influencia de China en el hemisferio. La hegemonía estadunidense crece potencialmente en el continente americano conforme se reconstruye un consenso de libre comercio a través del proceso del TPP. Al mismo tiempo, continúa afrontando retos estructurales, institucionales e ideológicos en las relaciones intrahemisféricas.


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