ISIS – a Threat to Security of South-East Asia Countries

2016 ◽  
Vol 60 (2) ◽  
pp. 5-14
Author(s):  
N. Rogozhina
Keyword(s):  
Social Networks ◽  
Middle East ◽  
East Asia ◽  
South East Asia ◽  
Islamic State ◽  
Religious Tolerance ◽  
Religious Literature ◽  
Terrorist Organizations ◽  
Muslim Population ◽  
Muslim Majority

ISIS poses a real threat to security and stability of South-East Asia countries, inspiring local Islamic extremists to conduct jihad for the purpose of creating a pan-regional caliphate "Daulah Islamiyah Nusantara" comprising the territories of Indonesia, Malaysia, Singapore, Brunei, Southern Philippines and Thailand, where the Muslim population exceeds 250 millions. The author assumes that ISIS has potential for increasing its influence on these countries, taking into consideration 1) the presence of long-standing terrorist organizations, which have established contacts with international terrorists, such as Al Qaeda, and are now ready to swear their allegiance to ISIS; 2) the existence of social base – receptive to the ideology of international jihad – that can increase in number in case of engagement of former ISIS fighters from South-East Asia in the battle for the Islamic State creation in the region. This struggle will lead to terror and violence. And strengthening of the ISIS power in the Middle East gives the militants force and determination in achieving this goal. Now the number of the ISIS fighters from South-East Asia exceeds 800 people, but the flow of new supporters can increase, because there is a well-established basis for their recruiting through: preaching in mosques; indoctrination of students in madrasahs and religious boarding schools, funded by radical Islamic organizations; circulating of religious literature of jihad orientation; local radical groups; social networks. To counter the threat of the Islamic community radicalization, the governments rely on the leading Islam organizations and take actions in different directions. But their outcome will depend on whether the Muslim majority of population preserves the inherent religious tolerance.

14. Détente in Decline, 1977–9

2013 ◽  
Author(s):  
John W. Young ◽  
John Kent
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
Middle East ◽  
East Asia ◽  
Policy Making ◽  
Peace Treaty ◽  
South East Asia ◽  
Jimmy Carter ◽  
Richard Nixon ◽  
The Soviet Union

This chapter examines the decline of détente during the period 1977–1979. Détente suffered in part from being identified with Richard Nixon. After 1973, conservatives increasingly questioned détente, felt that the Strategic Arms Limitation Talks (SALT I) benefited the Soviet Union most, and were disturbed by an apparent pattern of communist adventurism abroad, in the 1973 Middle East War, Angola, and South-East Asia. The chapter first considers détente and policy-making during the time of Jimmy Carter before discussing the conflict in the Middle East, in particular the Lebanon Civil War, and the Camp David summit of 1978 that resulted in an Egyptian–Israel peace treaty. It then analyses the Ogaden conflict of 1977–1978), the ‘normalization’ of Sino-American relations, and the Sino–Vietnamese War. It concludes with an assessment of the SALT II treaty.

Online extremism poses new threats to South-east Asia

2018 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
East Asia ◽  
East Asian ◽  
The Philippines ◽  
South East Asia ◽  
Islamic State ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Suicide Bombings ◽  
The Military

Subject Online radicalisation. Significance On May 25, the Indonesian parliament unanimously passed stringent anti-terrorism laws allowing the military to be directly involved in counterterrorism operations. The vote followed a string of suicide bombings attributed to local jihadist networks that have pledged allegiance to Islamic State (IS). Jakarta joins other South-east Asian governments -- notably those of Malaysia, the Philippines and Singapore -- in attempting to counter a new push in the region by IS, as it loses territory in Iraq and Syria. Impacts Rising anti-Shia sentiment in the region, a by-product of increased Saudi influence, will likely give IS new issues to exploit. The Rohingya crisis gives IS a regional boost, especially in terms of operations in Myanmar and more likely in Yangon than Rakhine State. Non-ideological, low-wage overseas workers, particularly from the Philippines and Indonesia, are most susceptible to IS.

Central Asia drives Syria repatriations to reduce risk

2019 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Middle East ◽  
Central Asia ◽  
Islamic State ◽  
Direct Link ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Central Asian ◽  
Women And Children ◽  
Muslim Majority ◽  
Reduce Risk

Subject Central Asian policies on repatriating nationals associated with Middle East insurgency. Significance Central Asian governments' concerns about radicalisation among Muslim-majority populations were amplified when hundreds of nationals went to Syria and Iraq in 2014-15 to join Islamic State (IS) and other jihadist groups. They are prioritising the repatriation of women and children, in contrast to European governments' reluctance to approve blanket returns. Impacts The security drive against local extremists will be sustained across Central Asia. Policies towards returning women will not be affected by IS-attributed attacks unless a direct link is made. In Russia, Chechen leader Ramzan Kadyrov is leading on repatriation efforts focused on children.

scholarly journals Un-Islamic or Non-Muslim

2015 ◽  
Vol 32 (2) ◽  
pp. i-vi
Author(s):  
Zakyi Ibrahim
Keyword(s):  
Middle East ◽  
Islamic State ◽  
Violent Extremism ◽  
Muslim Majority

The reality is that the Islamic State is Islamic. Very Islamic. Yes, it has attractedpsychopaths and adventure seekers, drawn largely from the disaffectedpopulations of the Middle East and Europe. But the religion preachedby its most ardent followers derives from coherent and even learned interpretationsof Islam.”1This editorial analyzes the phenomenon of violent extremism and its identificationand association with Islam by analysts and critics. In my 29:1 editorial“The Stigma of Extremism on Muslims,” I suggested that the violent elementsin Islam are no more than “a fraction of the 7 percent of global Muslim populationconsidered to be ‘politically radicalized,’ including [non-violent] sympathizers”2 and “an inescapable nuisance and … regrettable stigma [to] thelarger Muslim majority.”3 I stand by these points, the iteration of which, in thiscurrent editorial, gains its prime relevance.Here, I argue further that despite the Prophet’s prohibition of labeling otherself-confessed practicing Muslims as “non-Muslims”4 regardless of their actions(i.e., takfīr), extremists nevertheless use it to give themselves the licenseto kill other Muslims, a fact that makes their actions “un-Islamic.” I also maintainthat the peace-loving Muslim majority has the moral right and intellectualprerogative to denounce this violent minority and to get their denunciation appreciatedand deemed supreme.

From Ancient Times to the Year 1000

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tim Dyson
Keyword(s):  
Middle East ◽  
East Asia ◽  
Total Population ◽  
Second Century ◽  
South East Asia ◽  
Southern Europe ◽  
The North ◽  
Ancient Times ◽  
River Valleys ◽  
Different Parts

This chapter addresses the period from the end of the Mauryan Empire to c.1000 CE. There is very little evidence for the period. Nevertheless, people probably continued to migrate into river valleys and exploit new land. As a result, populations in different parts of the subcontinent increased—albeit usually very slowly and irregularly. In the north, Indo-Aryan influences continued to grow. Further south, kingdoms like those of the Pallavas and Cholas were crucial to the process of ‘Indianization’ which, from about the second century CE, affected areas of south-east Asia. It seems unlikely that India’s people were badly affected by the so-called ‘Plague of Justinian’ which affected parts of the Middle East and southern Europe during the sixth century. The chapter considers evidence collected around 640 CE by the Chinese visitor Hsuan Tsang and suggests that it is consistent with a total population of anywhere between 30 and 85 million.

Uighur militants complicate China-South-east Asia ties

2016 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
East Asia ◽  
East Asian ◽  
South East Asia ◽  
Islamic State ◽  
Refugee Status ◽  
Suicide Bomber ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Domestic Security ◽  
Political Risks ◽  
State Group

Subject Some Uighurs have developed links to Islamic State group and travelled to South-east Asia with terrorist intent Significance In December, Indonesia's counterterrorism force arrested eleven men on suspicion of having links to Islamic State group (ISG) and planning terrorist attacks against Indonesia. One of the suspects was a Chinese Uighur who had allegedly been trained as a suicide bomber, while two other Uighur suspects escaped. These developments question South-east Asian governments' assumption about the threat of 'home grown' terrorism by South-east Asian ISG fighters returning from the Middle East. The presence of Uighurs in potential attacks on South-east Asian targets underscores the region's particular vulnerability to ISG. Impacts Anti-Uighur measures carry limited political risks for South-east Asian leaders. China will demand the return of Uighur migrants even if they have applied for, or been granted, refugee status. South-east Asian regional governments will be uneasy with greater Chinese intrusion into their domestic security.

China vote will spur South-east Asian authoritarianism

2018 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
East Asia ◽  
South East Asia ◽  
Islamic State ◽  
Political Systems ◽  
Major Barrier ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Illiberal Democracy ◽  
Human Rights Abuse ◽  
Democratic Systems ◽  
People's Congress

Subject Authoritarian drift in South-east Asia. Significance China’s National People’s Congress (NPC) on March 11 removed the constitutional limits on presidential tenure, enabling President Xi Jinping to remain in power indefinitely. Neighbouring South-east Asia has a broad spectrum of political systems, from democracies to one-party states, but several countries in the region are seeing a drift towards authoritarianism: enforcement of strict obedience to authority with curbs on individual freedoms. Impacts ASEAN will adhere to non-interference in the internal affairs of member states, eschewing its previous ‘flexible engagement’ doctrine. Popular tolerance for human rights abuse presages ‘illiberal democracy’ rather than the abandonment of formal democracy. Radical Islamist groups, partly inspired by an Islamic State presence, will challenge democratic systems in the region. The international community will step up criticism of Myanmar’s treatment of Rohingya Muslims to little avail. The Myanmar military’s unchallenged authority in Rakhine State will be a major barrier to resolving the Rohingya crisis.

scholarly journals Al-Kifāḥ min ajli dawlah Islāmīyah ‘abra al-masār al-dīmuqrātī: Tajribat al-Ḥizb al-Islāmī al-Mālizī (PAS)

2020 ◽  
Vol 27 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Muhammad Irfan Helmy ◽  
Ahmad Ali Nurdin
Keyword(s):  
East Asia ◽  
South East Asia ◽  
Islamic State ◽  
Negative Image ◽  
Islamic Movement

This paper discusses how PAS follows democratic way to achive its political goal to establish an Islamic state. Is it true that the establishment of PAS was triggered by its motive to struggle for Islamic state which is not addressed by UMNO? What and how is the concept of Islamic state according to PAS? How and to what extent did Muslim and non-Muslim in Malaysia accept PAS idea, in Malaysian election history, particularly in the last 2018 election? By analysing document of PAS Islamic state, party’s statute, and PAS performance from election to election, the researcher argues that up to present PAS was unsuccessfull to reach its political goal yet. PAS only won and occupied Kelantan and several times won in Sabah and Terengganu. The result of 2018 election shows that PAS was beaten by Pakatan Harapan coallition as well as Barisan Nasional coalition. However, PAS’s struggle through democratic way has significantly contributed to reduce a negative image of Islamic movement in South East Asia. Islam is not monolithic and Islam is compatible with democracy. PAS’s struggle is a clear proof.

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