إضاءات مقتبسة من المنهج النبوي في التعامل مع الأزمات (صُلح الحديبية نموذجا)

The Prophet, may God’s prayers and peace be upon him and his companions, experienced critical and difficult moments, but the Prophet, may God bless him and grant him peace, dealt with these crises and dilemmas in a great way. His guidance, may God’s prayers and peace be upon him, was distinguished in dealing with crises. The Treaty of Hudaybiyyah represented an important event in the lives of Muslims, and a prominent turning point in their advocacy and jihad journey. This peace treaty - and the events surrounding it - carried many rulings related to jihad for the sake of God, and the agreements and treaties that Muslims could conclude with enemies if the interest was achieved, and gave them lessons in the arts of negotiation, and in the jurisprudence of balances. Among the provisions of this peace were matters that some Muslims considered unacceptable concessions, but the Messenger, may God’s prayers and peace be upon him, with his wisdom and wisdom, saw in them interest, glory, and victory for Muslims in the near future.

„Neutralność” Litwy podczas Bitwy Warszawskiej

After the First World War, three concepts clashed in Eastern Europe: the model of the nation state, the expansion of the Bolshevik revolution implemented by Russia and the union of nation-states (Poland, Lithuania, Ukraine, Belarus and Latvia) according to Piłsudski resulting from the threat. Russia in the years 1920-1921 signed five peace treaties, but only the treaty with Lithuania contained secret arrangements regarding the neutrality of Lithuania in the Bolshevik-Polish war. The analysis of the source material shows that Russia used the secret provisions of the peace treaty in its plans for the expansion of bolshevism, and after the defeat of the Polish army, it was to carry out a Bolshevik coup in Lithuania. Despite the proclaimed neutrality, Lithuania turned out to be on the side of Russia in this conflict, causing additional difficulties for Polish troops in the Battle of Warsaw. The Polish victory over the Vistula impeded the expansion of Bolshevism to Europe.

Ustalenie granicy polsko-sowieckiej – w 100. rocznicę delimitacji granicy ryskiej

The end of World War I brought the issue of the borders of the reborn Poland on the agenda. Their shaping was a long and dramatic process. Among the numerous disputes and conflicts, the Polish-Russian war occupies a special place. Its effect was the defense of the reborn state and the establishment of the eastern border of Poland. The war began in February 1919. However, it ended with the signing of the preliminary treaty on October 12, 1920, and the peace treaty on March 18, 1921 in Riga. The peace treaty eliminated the state of war and established the border line between Poland and Russia, Belarus and Ukraine. Its precise delimitation in the field and placing border marks on it was carried out by a special mixed border commission consisting of two delegations - Polish and Russian-Ukrainian-Belarusian. The content of this article is an attempt to look at one of the most important events in the modern history of Poland from the perspective of 100 years, which was the establishment and guidelines of the eastern border of Poland by a mixed border commission. The aim of the paper is to present the work of the committees which took place in an atmosphere of constant dispute and conflicts between representatives of the delegations of both countries. Both parties repeatedly threatened to terminate or suspend the works. Due to the volume framework, it is not possible to fully characterize the archival sources and the published publications. It could be a topic of a separate study. I hope that the bibliography attached to the article will help to provide a thorough and comprehensive presentation of the topic.

“...COMING TO COMMON PEACE TOGETHER WITH OUR ALLIES”: ROMANIA’S FOREIGN POLICY BALANCING DURING WORLD WAR I

The article covers the course of negotiations between the plenipotentiaries of Romania and the leading states of the Entente and the Quadruple Alliance during the First World War. Facing the dilemma of determining its own foreign policy orientation – by joining one of the mentioned military-political blocs, the Romanian government was hesitating for a long time to come to a final decision. At the same time, largely due to this balancing process, official Bucharest managed to preserve its sovereign right to work out and make the most important decisions, while consistently defending Romania's national interests. By taking the side of the Entente and receiving comprehensive military assistance from Russia, Romania at the same time faced enormous military and political problems due to military superiority of the allied Austrian and German forces at the Balkan theater of hostilities. Their occupation of much of Romania forced official Bucharest to seek an alternative, making it sign a separate agreement with the Central Block states. At the same time, its ratification was being delayed in every possible way, which enabled Romania to return to the camp of war winners at the right time. At the same time, official Bucharest made the most of the decline and liquidation of imperial institutions in Russia and Austria-Hungary at the final stage of the First World War, incorporating vast frontier territories into the Kingdom. Taking advantage of the revolutionary events in Russia, the Romanian government succeeded, in particular, in resolving the “Bessarabian problem” in its favor. In addition, Romania included Transylvania, Bukovina and part of Banat. An important foreign policy achievement of Romanian diplomacy was signing of the 1918 Bucharest Peace Treaty, as well as its participation in the Paris Peace Conference.

PARTICIPATION OF SIDOR HOLUBOVYCH IN SOCIO-POLITICAL PROCESSES IN THE GALICIAN LANDS DURING THE WORLD WAR I

The civic-political activity of Sydor Golubovych during the World War I was analyzed in the article based on the complex study of archive sources, periodicals and scientific literature. His role in the political organizations in Vienna during his emigration period in 1914-1915-s and after his return to L’viv in 1915-1918-s was determined. Namely, the prerequisites of reorganization of the Main Ukrainian Council into the Common Ukrainian Council, problem of political struggle among different party groups within the political circles in Galicia and Bukovina were highlighted. The main aspects of Golubovych’s activity in the Common Ukrainian Council (CUC) were revealed, within the council his main attention was drawn to the issues of the “Military bank” creation, issues related to the Ukrainian refugees, migrant workers, internees from Galicia and Bukovina, who according to the official data were 90 thou in different parts of Austria, Germany and Czech Republic. Moreover, it is mentioned that S. Golubovych was a participant of the political actions for autonomy of Ukrainian schooling, separate Ukrainian university opening in L’viv, transformation of the STC into the Ukrainian academy of science, etc. It was found that after his return to L’viv in August 1915, S. Golubovych as a member of the L’viv’s delegation of the CUC and member of the Regional Credit Union (RCU) was predominantly responsible for the problems of region’s restoration after the military actions. Simultaneously, the main attention was drawn to the busy social activity, namely he was included into the senior council at Stavropigijskyi institute – former Moscow-oriented institution transferred to the Ukrainians by the Austrian governor general Kollard, and was a founder and editor of the newspaper “Ukrayinsʹke slovo” that was the main media source in Galicia. Furthermore, during 1917-1918-s the politician frequently visited Ternopol’s region where he endeavored to keep close contacts with his electorate.A role of S. Golubovych was described before the November events of 1918, where he as a figure of the Ukrainian National Democratic Party (UNDP) and member of the Ukrainian Parliamentary Representation (UPR) participated in meetings and demonstrations’ organization devoted to the independence proclamation of the Ukrainian National Republic (UNR), peace treaty agreement in Brest-Lytovsk, was actively involved in implementation of so called “viche week” organized to support the autonomy demands of the Eastern Galicia as a separate Ukrainian territory within the Austrian monarchy, etc.

The Jovian Narrative

The Jovian Narrative is by far the longest of the three parts of the Julian Romance. It offers an exclusively Christian perspective on the reign of Jovian. This chapter discusses a variety of elements and characteristics of the Jovian Narrative with the purpose of analyzing the literary images of both Julian and Jovian sketched in the text. It deals with relations between the various protagonists in the text; the role of cities (Constantinople, Antioch, Harran, Nisibis, and Edessa) as scenes for the various episodes of the narrative; the anti-Jewish aspects of the text; Jovian’s rise to power and his peace treaty with the Persians; Jovian’s eastern connections and his good relations with Shapur II and his second-in-command Arimihr; and his presentation as a new Constantine.

The Ladins and their history of legal resilience

The Ladins of Trentino-Alto Adige/Südtirol are an ethnic minority with an ancient history, located in the Dolomites Mountains, a place associated with extreme beauty and rugged land. Under the Italian Constitution, Ladins have acquired several legal rights connected with their language and history.Ladins have a history dating to the Roman Empire. Located in a strategic place, with Alpine valleys and mountain paths that connect the Italian Peninsula with Central Europe, several Germanic tribes after the end of the Roman Empire invaded and established themselves in the zone, enforcing their customs and laws. Those so-called “barbaric laws” together with Carolingian and Ecclesiastical law gave birth to a particular system of law during the Middle Ages.Afterward, Ladins became part of the Holy Roman Empire, and later, part of the House of Habsburg. During the aftermath of World War I, Italy obtained the region from the Austrian-Hungarian Empire in the peace treaty of Saint Germain-en-Laye of 1919.The Italian experience with the Ladins started soon after World War I with several publications taking the task of understanding the origins of their language and its people. Ever since, Italian interest in the Ladins has not ceased. In 1998 the Italian Constitutional Court recognized the Ladin people their right to be represented in regional institutions, answering to the historical and social reality of Alto Adige/Südtirol.Consequently, the legal resilience of the Ladins gives testimony of a long history of peaceful victories for their rights, associated with the Ladin language, in the context of judicial procedures, political participation, and legislation.In comparison, Ladins living in other regions of Italy like Veneto and Friuli Venezia Giulia have not reached the same level of autonomy and privileges as those in Trentino-Alto Adige/Südtirol.

The Bolsheviks in Eastern Ukraine and their Competing State Projects (1917-1918): The Case of the Donets-Krivoi Rog Soviet Republic

After the Russian Revolution of February 1917, the definition of the Ukrainian territory became an important issue. One of the major controversies concerned the territorial affiliation of the eastern part of the country, a highly industrialised region located halfway between the Russian core and the Ukrainian periphery of the empire. This article focuses on the split within the Bolshevik Party between supporters of Donbass belonging to Ukraine and defenders of a Donets-Krivoi Rog republic attached to Russia. We show that this was not so much an ideological conflict between the "pro-Russians" and the "pro-Ukrainians" as it was a difference of views on the military and political strategy to be implemented in order to preserve the gains of the revolution and make its expansion possible. Moscow's decision to support the project of a Soviet Ukraine, thereby ruling out any possibility of separation of its eastern region, can be explained both by the desire to solve immediate problems (circumventing the provisions of a peace treaty, strengthening control over local Soviet institutions) and by the search for long-term solutions (advancing the world revolution, guaranteeing the stability of a multiethnic state that emerged from the disintegration of the Russian Empire).

The 1886 Yoruba Peace Treaty and Imperative Lessons of Yoruba National Unity

I salute you, Your Royal Majesty, the Olubadan of Ibadan, our royal Father of this great occasion in the life of our Yoruba nation. I salute our beloved Governor and Host, Governor Seyi Makinde (of Oyo State). I salute the leaders, officers and members of the many organizations that have put today’s occasion together. I salute all the eminent Yoruba men and women who have honored the invitation to this august occasion. I salute all our guests, friends, and well-wishers here gathered. Ladies and Gentlemen: In the thousands of years of the pre-20th century history of the Yoruba nation, the Yoruba Peace Treaty of September 23 1886 is a unique document of incalculable importance. In modern Yoruba history, it is a foremost document that was deliberately designed to foster unity and peace among all parts of Yorubaland and among the entire Yoruba nation, Black Africa’s largest nation, and Black Africa’s foremost leader in civilization. Representatives of virtually all kingdoms and ethnic sub-groups of the Yoruba nation appended their signatures to this treaty – from the Alaafn of Oyo to the Ooni and chiefs of Ife, the chiefs of Yorubaland’s most powerful city of Ibadan, the kings and chiefs representing the large alliance known as the Ekitiparapo comprising the Ekiti, Ijesa, Igbomina and Akoko subgroups, the Awujale and war-chiefs of Ijebu.