The Quest for Peace: NATO Enlargement and the Geo-Political Implications of Expanding the Treaty Throughout Eastern Europe

2009 ◽  
Author(s):  
J. W. Thompson
Politeja ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 12 (7 (34/2)) ◽  
pp. 181-194
Author(s):  
Igor Grieckij

Central and Eastern Europe countries and NATO enlargement in foreign policy of Russian Federation in 1992‑1992 The beginning of the 1990s is one of the most interesting and controversial periods in the history of Russian foreign policy. At that time, extensive reforms were introduced in Russia in the framework of transition to market economy and institutions of civil society. Russia’s foreign policy has undergone great changes, as well, many of its fundamental provisions were subject to significant adjustment. In particular, the new leadership of Russia is no longer considered NATO as an enemy, and even let in a possibility of Russia’s prospects for NATO membership in future. However, by 1994, the Kremlin’s position on that issue has changed dramatically. This article examines the nature of these changes in Russia’s foreign policy, as well as the reasons why the Russian government perceived negatively the CEE countries’ aspirations to join NATO, and considered it as a threat to its national interests.


2020 ◽  
Vol 62 (1) ◽  
pp. 68-105 ◽  
Author(s):  
Catherine Wanner

AbstractWhen religious institutions engage the secular emotively and publicly, they can foster an affective atmosphere of religiosity, which potentially has motivational power, even for non-believers, because it shapes the sensorium of those who circulate in public space. When individuals appeal to “places animated with prayer” for the transformative energy that resides there through ritualized practices, they reaffirm an affective atmosphere of religiosity. In Orthodox Eastern Europe and elsewhere, a confessional tradition is allied with state borders, further normativizing this affective atmosphere and giving it pronounced political implications. When an affective atmosphere of religiosity inspires practices that are intentionally designed to prompt experiences rendered meaningful in otherworldly terms, over time such performativity can create mimetic instincts that become second nature. This is an essential step to religion becoming an expedient political resource and to the emergence of religious nationalism or a confessional state.


Text Matters ◽  
2017 ◽  
pp. 183-193
Author(s):  
Krystyna Kujawińska Courtney

Emerging from the atrocities of war, and still hoping to avert the results of the Yalta conference during which the countries of Central and South–Eastern Europe, including Poland, were “handed over” to Stalin, Poland’s 1947 Shakespeare theatre festival was a sign of courage and defiance. At the Festival 23 productions of 9 Shakespeare’s dramas were staged by theatres in 11 towns, with its finale in Warsaw. My paper will show that the Festival was an attempt to demonstrate both Polish cultural links with Europe, and to subvert Marxist ideology and Soviet culture.


1997 ◽  
Vol 6 (4) ◽  
pp. 157-174
Author(s):  
Georgeta V. Pourchot

2020 ◽  
Vol 196 (2) ◽  
pp. 320-338
Author(s):  
Mikołaj Kugler

The article discusses how the United States of America has contributed to the security of Central and Eastern Europe, both politically and militarily, since the end of the Cold War, using Poland’s example. It shows that the United States committed itself to the security of both Poland and the region, following the collapse of communism in Poland in 1989, albeit to a varying degree in different countries. America played a pivotal role in NATO enlargement in the 1990s, and in extending security assurances to Poland, Hungary, and the Czech Republic, as well as to other countries in the subsequent years. It has continued to assist Poland with its defence reform, thus enhancing its military capabilities. It was also instrumental in strengthening NATO’s eastern flank after 2014, a salient point on Poland’s security agenda since it acceded to the Alliance. It is argued that American political and military involvement in Poland’s security has been both substantial and beneficial, and there is a real need for continued political and military cooperation with the USA and its presence in the region. In the article, the determinants of Poland’s post-Cold War security policy are outlined. Next, the roles that both countries have played in each other’s policies are explained. After that, the US contribution to Poland’s security, both in the political and military spheres, is presented. Finally, an attempt is made to evaluate American involvement, and the author’s perspective on the future of the Poland-US cooperation is offered.


2009 ◽  
Vol 20 (3) ◽  
pp. 223-237
Author(s):  
Solveig Richter ◽  
Uwe Halbach

AbstractKosovo's declaration of independence on 17 February 2008 has re-ignited debates about the interaction among the fundamental international legal principles of self-determination, sovereignty and territorial integrity. The question of conformity with international law was interrelated to scenarios on the political implications of secession. After more than one year the following article elaborates if the unilateral declaration of independence of Kosovo had a precedent-setting impact for long-standing autonomist and secessionist conflicts in South-Eastern Europe and in CIS. The Kosovo-precedent formula had its biggest impact in the secessionist conflicts in Abkhazia and South Ossetia, where a powerful external actor Russia, made effective use of the precedent-formula in its coercive diplomacy against Georgia. Generally speaking, in South-Eastern-Europe, the independence of Kosovo had only minor destabilizing effects with the exception of Bosnia and Hercegovina and Macedonia where political entrepreneurs used the opportunity to play the nationalist card and to profit from worst case scenarios of a disintegration of their country.


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