scholarly journals Equational-intensional relative clauses with syntactic representation

2018 ◽  
Vol 60 ◽  
pp. 143-159
Author(s):  
Itai Bassi ◽  
Ezer Rasin
Keyword(s):  
Relative Clauses ◽  
Logical Form ◽  
Resumptive Pronouns ◽  
External Structure ◽  
Syntactic Representation ◽  
Gifted Mathematician ◽  
De Dicto ◽  
Type Shifting

Analyses of scope reconstruction typically fall into two competing approaches: ‘semanticreconstruction’, which derives non-surface scope using semantic mechanisms, and ‘syntacticreconstruction’, which derives it by positing additional syntactic representations at thelevel of Logical Form. Grosu and Krifka (2007) proposed a semantic-reconstruction analysisfor relative clauses like the gifted mathematician that Dan claims he is, in which the relativehead NP can be interpreted in the scope of a lower intensional quantifier. Their analysis relieson type-shifting the relative head into a predicate of functions. We develop an alternativeanalysis for such relative clauses that replaces type-shifting with syntactic reconstruction. Thecompeting analyses diverge in their predictions regarding scope possibilities in head-externalrelative clauses. We use Hebrew resumptive pronouns, which disambiguate a relative clausein favor of the head-external structure, to show that the prediction of syntactic reconstructionis correct. This result suggests that certain type-shifting operations are not made available byUniversal Grammar.Keywords: relative clauses, scope, reconstruction, type-shifting, de dicto, intensional quantifiers,binding, resumptive pronouns.

Syntactic representation of null arguments

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marta Ruda
Keyword(s):  
Linguistic Variation ◽  
Null Arguments ◽  
Syntactic Representation ◽  
Independent Features ◽  
Argument Omission ◽  
Type Shifting

Focusing on definite-argument drop, this chapter puts forward the hypothesis that null arguments are minimally represented as [nPn] and maximally as a fully-fledged pronoun ([DP D [PersP Pers [NumP Num [nPn]]]] or [PersP Pers [NumP Num [nPn]]]). The (un)availability of such arguments in a language is a consequence of independent features of its grammar: the lexical specification of its nominalizing n heads (esp. their association with phonetic material) and the avaialbility of post-syntactic type-shifting operations (esp. ι‎). The working of this approach is illustrated mostly with data from English, Polish, and Kashubian. The two latter languages are argued here to differ from English with respect to the inflectional properties of their nouns, as well as with respect to the mechanisms of NP interpretation. The chapter discusses the predictions thehypothesis makes about the identity of null arguments with respect to cross-linguistic variation in the patterns of argument omission.

Non-restrictive relatives are not orphans

2007 ◽  
Vol 43 (2) ◽  
pp. 271-309 ◽  
Author(s):  
DOUG ARNOLD
Keyword(s):  
Relative Clauses ◽  
Syntactic Representation ◽  
Restrictive Relative Clauses ◽  
Restrictive Relatives

According to a ‘radical orphanage’ approach, non-restrictive relative clauses are not part of the syntactic representation of the sentence that contains them. It is an appealing view, and seems to capture some important properties of non-restrictive relative clauses. Focusing mainly on empirical shortcomings, this paper aims to show that the appeal of such approaches is illusory. It also outlines an empirically superior ‘syntactically integrated’ account.

Pronominal resumption in Spanish direct object relative clauses

2018 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 265-301
Author(s):  
Álvaro Cerrón-Palomino
Keyword(s):  
Social Factors ◽  
Regression Models ◽  
Semantic Processing ◽  
Relative Clauses ◽  
Direct Object ◽  
Logistic Regression Models ◽  
Resumptive Pronouns ◽  
Number Of Factors ◽  
The Social ◽  
Object Relative

Abstract This variationist study analyzes the linguistic and social factors constraining the alternation of resumptive pronouns (RPs) and gaps in direct object (DO) relative clauses (RCs) in the Peruvian Limeño variety. Using a number of mixed-effects (logistic regression) models in Rbrul, results reveal that the set of linguistic constraints favoring pronominal DO resumption does not coincide with those reported to promote subject and oblique RP presence in previous studies. Furthermore, when compared to their subject and oblique counterparts, DO RPs are constrained by a higher number of factors of syntactic, semantic, processing and pragmatic nature. I suggest that this sensitivity to a broader set of constraints is crucial in explaining why DO RPs are more frequent in RCs than subject and oblique RPs. With respect to the social factors analyzed, this study shows a lack of effect of gender, age and education on the speaker’s choice for the resumptive variant.

Restrictive relative clauses in English and Korean learners' second language Chinese

2007 ◽  
Vol 23 (3) ◽  
pp. 263-287 ◽  
Author(s):  
Xiaoling Hu ◽  
Chuanping Liu
Keyword(s):  
Second Language ◽  
English Learners ◽  
Relative Clauses ◽  
Head Direction ◽  
L2 Acquisition ◽  
Resumptive Pronouns ◽  
First Languages ◽  
Restrictive Relative Clauses ◽  
The Difference ◽  
Korean Learners

This study investigates the second language (L2) acquisition of restrictive relative clauses (RRCs) in Chinese by two groups of learners speaking typologically different first languages (L1s): English and Korean. English RRCs, unlike those of Chinese, are head-initial whereas Korean RRCs, like those of Chinese, are head-final. The difference could be predicted to hinder English learners' acquisition of L2 RRCs but facilitate it for Korean learners. This prediction was not confirmed in this study, in fact the reverse was observed, and our data show contrasting patterns of acquisition between the two groups of learners. The English learners distinguished between target-like RRCs and non-target-like RRCs earlier than the Korean learners. A corresponding difference was observed for acquisition of resumptive pronouns. It is argued that where the L1 and the L2 share salient properties (such as head direction) restructuring of less salient features encoded in functional categories takes longer and may be persistently problematic. We suggest that the fact that Korean is more similar to Chinese (perhaps superficially, same head direction) leads learners not to restructure quickly, while the surface dissimilarity of English and Chinese gives rise to rapid restructuring in L2 grammars of learners.

scholarly journals Persian free relatives

2005 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mehran A. Taghvaipour
Keyword(s):  
Relative Clauses ◽  
Noun Phrases ◽  
Matching Effect ◽  
Free Relatives ◽  
Resumptive Pronouns ◽  
Single Mechanism ◽  
Unbounded Dependency

Free relatives (FRs) in Persian are Unbounded Dependency Constructions, containing gaps or resumptive pronouns (RPs). In some positions only gaps are allowed, and in some other positions only RPs. The structure of Persian FRs is bipartite, containing two constituents: a phrasal part and a sentential. Persian FRs are sensitive to the matching effect and show distinct properties from noun phrases, ordinary relative clauses, and interrogative complements. This paper proposes a unified HPSG account which assumes that the phrasal part of a FR is the head and the filler at the same time. The propped approach is presented in two versions (with and without traces) and can take care of the dependency between the gap or the RP and the licencing constituent with a truly single mechanism.

scholarly journals Two types of resumptive pronouns in polish relative clauses

2005 ◽  
Vol 5 ◽  
pp. 165-185 ◽  
Author(s):  
Adam Szczegielniak
Keyword(s):  
Relative Clause ◽  
Relative Clauses ◽  
Linguistic Data ◽  
Resumptive Pronouns ◽  
Additional Support

This paper discusses two types of resumptive pronouns found in Polish relative clauses: (i) adjacent resumptives and (ii) embedded resumptives. It will be argued that adjacent resumptives are truncated forms of the relative operator, whereas embedded resumptives are ‘regular’ resumptive pronouns found in other languages like Hebrew and Russian. Support for this claim will come from analyzing the differences between adjacent and embedded resumptives, and analyzing the similarities between adjacent resumptives and relative operators. Cross-linguistic data involving the interaction of relative clause formation and resumption, as well as the interaction of cliticization and resumption will provide additional support for the above claim.

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