Resumptive Pronouns in Polish co Relative Clauses

2017 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 95-130
Author(s):  
Wojciech Guz
2018 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 265-301
Author(s):  
Álvaro Cerrón-Palomino

Abstract This variationist study analyzes the linguistic and social factors constraining the alternation of resumptive pronouns (RPs) and gaps in direct object (DO) relative clauses (RCs) in the Peruvian Limeño variety. Using a number of mixed-effects (logistic regression) models in Rbrul, results reveal that the set of linguistic constraints favoring pronominal DO resumption does not coincide with those reported to promote subject and oblique RP presence in previous studies. Furthermore, when compared to their subject and oblique counterparts, DO RPs are constrained by a higher number of factors of syntactic, semantic, processing and pragmatic nature. I suggest that this sensitivity to a broader set of constraints is crucial in explaining why DO RPs are more frequent in RCs than subject and oblique RPs. With respect to the social factors analyzed, this study shows a lack of effect of gender, age and education on the speaker’s choice for the resumptive variant.


2007 ◽  
Vol 23 (3) ◽  
pp. 263-287 ◽  
Author(s):  
Xiaoling Hu ◽  
Chuanping Liu

This study investigates the second language (L2) acquisition of restrictive relative clauses (RRCs) in Chinese by two groups of learners speaking typologically different first languages (L1s): English and Korean. English RRCs, unlike those of Chinese, are head-initial whereas Korean RRCs, like those of Chinese, are head-final. The difference could be predicted to hinder English learners' acquisition of L2 RRCs but facilitate it for Korean learners. This prediction was not confirmed in this study, in fact the reverse was observed, and our data show contrasting patterns of acquisition between the two groups of learners. The English learners distinguished between target-like RRCs and non-target-like RRCs earlier than the Korean learners. A corresponding difference was observed for acquisition of resumptive pronouns. It is argued that where the L1 and the L2 share salient properties (such as head direction) restructuring of less salient features encoded in functional categories takes longer and may be persistently problematic. We suggest that the fact that Korean is more similar to Chinese (perhaps superficially, same head direction) leads learners not to restructure quickly, while the surface dissimilarity of English and Chinese gives rise to rapid restructuring in L2 grammars of learners.


Author(s):  
Mehran A. Taghvaipour

Free relatives (FRs) in Persian are Unbounded Dependency Constructions, containing gaps or resumptive pronouns (RPs). In some positions only gaps are allowed, and in some other positions only RPs. The structure of Persian FRs is bipartite, containing two constituents: a phrasal part and a sentential. Persian FRs are sensitive to the matching effect and show distinct properties from noun phrases, ordinary relative clauses, and interrogative complements. This paper proposes a unified HPSG account which assumes that the phrasal part of a FR is the head and the filler at the same time. The propped approach is presented in two versions (with and without traces) and can take care of the dependency between the gap or the RP and the licencing constituent with a truly single mechanism.


2005 ◽  
Vol 5 ◽  
pp. 165-185 ◽  
Author(s):  
Adam Szczegielniak

This paper discusses two types of resumptive pronouns found in Polish relative clauses: (i) adjacent resumptives and (ii) embedded resumptives. It will be argued that adjacent resumptives are truncated forms of the relative operator, whereas embedded resumptives are ‘regular’ resumptive pronouns found in other languages like Hebrew and Russian. Support for this claim will come from analyzing the differences between adjacent and embedded resumptives, and analyzing the similarities between adjacent resumptives and relative operators. Cross-linguistic data involving the interaction of relative clause formation and resumption, as well as the interaction of cliticization and resumption will provide additional support for the above claim.


Author(s):  
Sara S. Loss ◽  
Mark Wicklund

AbstractResumptive pronouns are produced in English in unguarded speech in restrictive relative clauses and appositive relative clauses. However, numerous studies have found that resumptive pronouns in restrictive relative clauses are not acceptable. To our knowledge, no studies have examined the acceptability of resumptive pronouns in appositive relative clauses, despite hints in the literature that they may be more acceptable in appositive than in restrictive relative clauses. This article fills that gap. We found that resumptive pronouns were rated as more natural in appositive relative clauses than in restrictive relative clauses. These findings may be due to which currently undergoing a reanalysis from a relative pronoun to a solely connective word, as has been suggested in the literature. A small-scale corpus search also reveals that appositive relative clauses with resumptive pronouns are increasing in American English.


2001 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 113-156 ◽  
Author(s):  
Cecile McKee ◽  
Dana McDaniel

2019 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 53-70
Author(s):  
Mahmoud MOBARAKI ◽  
Abolfazl MOSAFFA JAHROM

Empty categories are one of the fundamental parts of generativist’s view towards language. Empty operators, the so-called null elements, which are syntactically active in relative clauses and possibly move into [spec, CP], have reportedly been found in different languages. However, there is no solid evidence for the existence of empty operators in Persian relative clauses. Despite this, syntactic evidences such as theta theory, argument structure and subjacency condition provide satisfactory provable tests in favor of their role in Persian grammar. Namely, Persian relative clauses contain resumptive pronouns which may be covert. Their movement into [spec, CP] can precisely account for subjacency effect in relative clauses. Resumptive pronouns can occupy the subject as well as the object position. This articles attempts to introduce empty operators to Persian syntax, and shows that in such a way it is possible to account for the peculiar behavior of the Persian complementizer “ke” and its obligatory nature.


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