Reliability of the Narrative in the Memoirs of Eduard Shevardnadze Regarding Talks with Deng Xiaoping on Soviet-Chinese Territorial Issues

2021 ◽  
Vol 49 (004) ◽  
pp. 39-58
Author(s):  
Li Yinan
Keyword(s):  
2017 ◽  
pp. 140-147
Author(s):  
A. Yakovlev

The paper analyzes confrontation concerning continuation of market reforms between main groups in Chinese elite after Tiananmen in 1989 and collapse of USSR in 1991. It considers in details the ‘southern tour’ of Deng Xiaoping in early 1992 and its impact on the balance of interests in Chinese elites before the 14th party congress. The paper shows also the specifics of Chinese reforms which combine market development with creation of rents for main elite groups.


Author(s):  
E. Elena Songster

The year 1976 was monumental for China with the loss of important state leaders, and a tragic earthquake. Amidst all of the government’s active response to a panda starvation scare demonstrates the importance of this animal to China. A repeat starvation scare in the mid-1980s creates an opportunity to trace the transformation of China from Mao Zedong era to the Deng Xiaoping era by juxtaposing the two panda-starvation scares. The responses to these two scares demonstrate a shift in the perception of nature from one of state ownership to one of popular ownership and illustrate the dramatic increase in international participation in the study of the panda and the efforts to preserve this national treasure.


2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 51-72
Author(s):  
Kristina Spohr
Keyword(s):  

ZusammenfassungDie Welt veränderte sich dramatisch, als die Berliner Mauer fiel und Proteste zum Massaker auf dem Platz des Himmlischen Friedens führten. Basierend auf umfangreichen Archivrecherchen zeigt der Aufsatz, wie sich der revolutionäre Umbruch von 1989 in Europa und Asien abspielte und wie in der Folge eine neue internationale Ordnung geschaffen wurde – ohne größere Konflikte. Die Welt nach dem Mauerfall wurde in erheblichem Maße durch die entschlossene Diplomatie einer kleinen Kohorte internationaler Staatslenker geschaffen, die harte, aber kooperative Verhandlungen führten, um die Institutionen des Kalten Krieges neu zu erfinden. Nicht alle Beziehungen waren einfach, wobei eine tiefgreifende historische Skepsis vor allem Deutschland gegenüber bestand. Dennoch, in Partnerschaft und durch ihre Bündnisse, wollten sie alle eine bessere Welt aufbauen – eine auf gemeinsamen Prinzipien basierende internationale Ordnung. Um der Berechenbarkeit, der Stabilität und des Friedens willen beschlossen sie, die alten westlichen Institutionen, insbesondere die EG/EU und die NATO, die den Osten integrieren würden, zu bewahren, zu modifizieren und neu zu erfinden. Die Transformation Europas muss jedoch im globalen Kontext verstanden werden. Wenn man diesen Weg der Geschichte dem in Peking gegenüberstellt, wo Deng Xiaoping die Demokratiebewegung brutal unterdrückte, lässt sich zeigen, wie Deng China nach dem Tiananmen auf eine ganz andere Bahn brachte; eine, die das Reich der Mitte durch kommunistische Neuerfindung vom insularen maoistischen Entwicklungsstaat zur autoritativ-kapitalistischen Weltmacht geführt hat. Auf diese Weise erwiesen sich die Scharnierjahre 1989–1992 nicht als das Ende der Geschichte, sondern hatten klare Auswirkungen auf unsere Zeit: die Welt von Putin, Trump und Xi.


Soundings ◽  
2010 ◽  
Vol 46 (46) ◽  
pp. 146-159
Author(s):  
John Ross

2005 ◽  
Vol 10 (4) ◽  
pp. 757-795
Author(s):  
Claude Cadart

« From the Sino-Soviet strategic project to the Sino-American strategic project » is a purposely schematic interpretative essay on the evolution of Chinese foreign policy from 1949 to 1979 with emphasis on, the latter phase of that evolution, that of the 1969—1979 period, and more particularly on the last year of that decade, 1979. The project, both defensive and offensive, of American and Chinese co-leadership of the planet that Mao had undertaken to carry out in 1971-1972 with the encouragement of Nixon had to be more or less put aside from 1973 to 1978 because of the seriousness of the domestic crises that were successively shaking both China and the United States during those years. In 1978—79, it was able to be reactivated by Deng Xiaoping who sought, with the benediction of the White House, to add an economic and a cultural dimension to Us diplomatic and strategic dimension. It is unlikely however in the near future that the United States will consider China as other than an auxiliary aspect of the fundamental game of their relations with the most powerful of their adversary-partners, the U.S.S.R. As in the case of the Sino-Soviet strategic project that China promoted from 1949 to 1959, the Sino-American strategic project that China has sought to « sell » the United States since 1969 has not, therefore, much chance of success.


2016 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 145
Author(s):  
Wabilia Husnah

In the Chinese tradition that is influenced by the Confusianism, women are seen to have lower positions than men. In such a social system, the One-Child policy initiated by Deng Xiaoping since 1979 as a program to control the population, underpin the inferiority perception upon Chinese women. This article aims analyze the effects of the China’s One Child Policy towards Chinese women’s lives. It is important to understand how Chinese Women live after their lives have been affected by this Policy, in a good or a bad way. The results show that One Child Policy has negative impacts on Chinese women’s lives. It does not only lead to discrimination views againts women, but also indirectly violate a Chinese woman’s social, cultural and economic rights. Criminal cases overshadow the Chinese women, ranging from torture, neglect of children, abortion, illegal adoption, human trafficking, kidnapping, and even prostitution. On the other hand, all criminal cases makes women become “rare “ and “special” objects in China. Ironically, the scarcity of women in China actually cause the higher bargaining power of women. Now in their lives, Chinese women can go to school, work, choosing a spouse, or even file for divorce. Women’s social status in Chinese society has increased now. It means that women also obtain the positive impact of One-Child Policy.Keywords: women, confucianism, the one child policyAbstrakDalam tradisi Tiongkok yang dipengaruhi oleh Konfusianisme, perempuan selalu memiliki posisi lebih rendah daripada laki-laki. Dalam sistem sosial seperti ini, Kebijakan Satu Anak yang diperkenalkan oleh Deng Xiaoping sejak 1979 sebagai program untuk mengontrol populasi, turut mendukung inferioritas wanita Tiongkok. Artikel ini mencoba menganalisis efek Kebijakan Satu Anak di Tiongkok kepada kehidupan perempuan. Sangat penting untuk memahami bagaimana perempuan Tiongkok menjalani hidupnya pascakehidupannya telah dipengaruhi oleh kebijakan ini, dengan cara yang baik maupun yang buruk. Artikel ini berkesimpulan bahwa Kebijakan Satu Anak memiliki dampak negatif dalam kehidupan perempuan. Kebijakan ini tidak hanya menyebabkan pandangan diskriminatif terhadap perempuan, namun juga secara tidak langsung melanggar hak asasi dalam kehidupan sosial, kultural, dan ekonomi perempuan Tiongkok. Kasus kriminal pun membayangi perempuan Tiongkok, mulai dari penyiksaan, pengabaian anak perempuan, aborsi, adopsi ilegal, penjualan manusia, penculikan, bahkan prostitusi.Di lain pihak, semua kasus kriminal ini telah membuat perempuan menjadi objek yang “langka” dan “spesial” di Tiongkok. Ironisnya, kelangkaan perempuan di Tiongkok menyebabkan nilai tawar perempuan menjadi lebih tinggi. Sekarang, dalam kehidupan mereka, perempuan Cina bisa pergi ke sekolah, bekerja, memilih pasangan hidup, bahkan menuntut cerai. Status sosial perempuan dalam masyarakat Tiongkok pun sudah meningkat sekarang. Ini berarti, perempuan Tiongkok juga telah mendapatkan efek positif dari Kebijakan Satu Anak.Kata kunci: perempuan, konfusianisme, kebijakan satu anak


2017 ◽  
Vol 30 (61) ◽  
pp. 128-146
Author(s):  
Shu Chang-sheng
Keyword(s):  

As relações sino-vietnamitas durante a Guerra Fria constituem uma história conturbada, repleta de episódios de solidariedade revolucionária, misturados com desconfianças e conflitos. De modo geral, diversos fatores afetaram as relações sino-vietnamitas e destruíram a cooperação fraterna entre os dois países socialistas: a Conferência de Genebra de 1954; divergência sino-soviética; a Revolução Cultural chinesa; aproximação sino-americana; e apoio chinês ao Pol Pot e Khmer Rouge. Em 1975, as relações China-Vietnã começaram a deteriorar e, ao término da guerra do Vietnã, Beijing e Hanói acabaram se distanciando um do outro. Entre 1976 e 1978, surgiram conflitos nas fronteiras, culminando com o alinhamento do Vietnã ao campo soviético em novembro de 1978. Quando o Camboja foi invadido pelo Vietnã em janeiro de 1979, Beijing percebeu que perdera para a União Soviética sua influência sobre o Vietnã e sobre o resto da península indochinesa. Portanto, Deng Xiaoping resolveu ensinar ao Vietnã uma lição, lançando uma guerra de grande escala contra o regime de Hanói. Os conflitos duraram praticamente toda a década 1980 até que em 1990, depois do colapso do bloco soviético, os dois países fizeram as pazes e normalizaram as relações. Toda a história das relações sino-vietnamitas no período 1949-1990 pode ser contextualizada e compreendida à luz de dois jogos estratégicos triangulares, um entre China-Vietnã-União Soviética e outro, entre União Soviética-China-Estados Unidos. O artigo procura embasar parte das narrativas nessa complexidade histórica e geopolítica durante a Guerra Fria.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document