From the Law of Value Debate to the One-Child Policy in China: On Accounting and Biopolitics

This article argues that the origins of the one-child policy beginning in 1980 in China, and its development into the current system of “comprehensive population management,” are to be found not in any unfolding of a statist or authoritarian logic, or within the parameters of a nominally “socialist” project, but rather in a return to a properly capitalist set of concerns and governmental techniques, the first iteration of which can be traced to the 1920s and 1930s. With regard to the broad set of economic reforms launched in the period 1979–81, it is argued that the one-child policy is absolutely continuous with other reforms across economic sectors (agricultural responsibility systems and urban enterprise reforms) and discontinuous with anything we might understand as population management in the period 1949–76. The “law of value debate” in 1979, which “resolved” a long-standing set of issues concerning national accounting, planning, and accumulation, is found to be—despite its apparently Marxist character, derivation, and vocabulary—the passage through which a capitalist developmental logic was reintroduced into Chinese governing, with significant consequences.

The Effect of China’s Two-Child Policy on the Child Sex Ratio: Evidence From Shanghai, China

Objective: The bias towards males at birth has resulted in a major imbalance in the Chinese sex ratio that is often attributed to China’s one-child policy. Relaxation of the one-child policy has the potential to reduce the imbalance in the sex ratio away from males. In this study, we assessed whether the bias towards males in the child sex ratio was reduced as a result of the two-child policy in China. Medical records data from one large municipal-level obstetrics hospital in Shanghai, East China. Design: Matching and difference-in-differences (MDID) techniques were used to investigate the effect of the two-child policy on the imbalance in the sex ratio at birth after matching for pregnancy status and socioeconomic factors. Results: Analyzing 133,358 live births suggest that the relaxation of the one-child policy had a small, but statistically significant effect in reducing the imbalance in the male to female sex ratio at birth. Conclusion: The results demonstrate that relaxation of the one-child policy reduced the imbalance in the male to female sex ratio at birth from 1.10 to 1.05 over the study period at one of the major obstetrics and gynecology hospitals in China.

Developing expertise in psychoanalytic couple and family therapy in China

The author traces the development of a collaborative psychoanalytic training programme for couple and family therapists in China, launched through the shared efforts of Drs David Scharff, Jill Savege Scharff, Janine Wanlass, Fang Xin and Gao Jun, enrolling more than 400 students over the past twelve years. The stressors of economic change, greater interaction with the West, legacies left by the Cultural Revolution, challenges associated with the one-child policy, and escalating divorce rates created a need for therapists to intervene with Chinese couples and families exhibiting distress (Scharff, 2020, 2021). A training programme was conceived, including didactic teaching from an object relations perspective, a live clinical demonstration of psychotherapy with a couple or family, and small process groups led by Chinese therapists to help trainees integrate affective, cognitive, and behavioural learning components. The author contends that the success of this programme was largely dependent on a collaboration of cultures and personnel, as American teachers learned about psychoanalytic thinking from a Chinese cultural lens and Chinese administrators, faculty, and students discovered effective ways to address the mental health struggles of Chinese couples and families.

Further tests of the scarcity and luxury hypotheses in dispositional greed: Evidence from two large-scale Dutch and American samples

A recent, large-scale study among Chinese adolescents found that childhood socioeconomic status (CSES) was positively related to dispositional greed (i.e., the “luxury hypothesis”), instead of negatively related (i.e., the “scarcity hypothesis”; Liu et al., 2019c). This relationship was found for only-children, not for children with siblings. The generalizability of these findings may be limited, due to China’s one-child policy and socioeconomic policies which may have led to fewer differences in wealth. We replicated this research in two other cultural contexts that represent markedly different socioeconomic policies in order to test its generalizability: the Netherlands (Study 1, N = 2367, 51.3% female, Mage = 54.06, SD = 17.90), and the USA (Study 2, N = 999, 50.1% female, Mage = 33.44, SD = 12.28). Hierarchical multiple regressions were conducted to test the association between CSES and greed. We mostly replicated the findings by Liu et al. (2019c): CSES was positively related to greed in both studies (“luxury hypothesis”) and there was a moderating effect of siblings in Study 1, but not in Study 2. Implications for theories on greed as well as future research on the association between CSES and greed are discussed.

Presenting the People's Republic: what drives images of China in the press?

Citizens’ views of the political, social and economic character of foreign countries is largely based on the valence frames – positive, neutral or negative – established in newspaper articles consumed directly from the press or indirectly through republication. Looking at stories on China's one-child policy in the Australian press, the study used a mixed qualitative and quantitative methodology to investigate together all extrinsic factors that might drive the tone of articles on foreign countries. An analysis of factors including newspaper ownership, format, audience, market reach and reporter gender or location suggests a primary driver might be the newspaper audience – owners provide stories that retain their audience (and advertisers).

Achieving WHO's Goal for Reducing Cesarean Section Rate in a Chinese Hospital

Background: To address the worldwide dramatically increased Cesarean section (CS) rate in the past decades, WHO has recommended the CS rate should not be higher than 10–15%. Whether it is achievable remains unknown.Methods: We collected the data of delivery from 2008 to 2017 in two typical regional hospitals in China: Longhua Hospital (national policies rigorously implemented) and Dongguan Hospital (national policies not rigorously implemented). We compared between the two hospitals the 10 years trend in annual rate of CS, standardized by age, education level, parity, and CS history, against the time of issuing relevant national, local, and hospital policies.Results: In 10 years, 42,441 women in Longhua and 36,935 women in Dongguan have given birth. China's first national policy on CS reduction was issued in 2010 and the formal relaxation of one-child policy was issued in 2015–2016. In Longhua, the standardized annual CS rate was around 35% in 2008–2009, which declined sharply since 2010 down to 13.1% in 2016 (p < 0.001) and then leveled off. In contrast, in Dongguan, the rate stayed around 25% at the beginning, increased to 36% in 2011, decreased sharply to 27% in 2012, and leveled off until 2015 (p < 0.001), and then bounced back to 35% in 2017. The proportion of women with the history of CS increased significantly in the two hospitals (both roughly from 6% before 2010 to 20% after 2015). Analyses stratified by modified Robson classification showed that CS rates reduced in all risk classes of delivery women in Longhua but only in the Robson class 2 group in Dongguan. Major complications did not differ by hospital.Conclusion: With vigorously implementing national policies at micro levels, the WHO-recommended CS rate could be achieved without increase in major complications.

China's three-children policy will see limited success

Significance This year it increased the limit to three. The one-child policy has served more to exacerbate than to alleviate demographic problems, leaving China with an ageing population and shrinking workforce much sooner than other countries at this stage of economic development. Impacts Rising infertility will play a part in depressing birth rates. Vested interests and the government's proclivity for social control will prevent the wholesale abolition of family planning. National and local authorities will introduce policies to promote reproduction; not all of them will necessarily be socially liberal.

The Social and Sociological Consequences of China's One-Child Policy

China's one-child policy is one of the largest and most controversial social engineering projects in human history. With the extreme restrictions it imposed on reproduction, the policy has altered China's demographic and social fabric in numerous fundamental ways in its nearly four decades (1979–2015) of existence. Its ramifications reach far beyond China's national borders and the present generation. This review examines the policy's social consequences through its two most commonly invoked demographic concerns: elevated sex ratio and rapid population aging. We place these demographic concerns within three broad social and political contexts of the policy—gender, family, and the state—to examine its social consequences. We also discuss the sociological consequences of the policy, by reflecting on the roles of science and social scientists in public policy making. Expected final online publication date for the Annual Review of Sociology, Volume 47 is July 2021. Please see http://www.annualreviews.org/page/journal/pubdates for revised estimates.