scholarly journals Masyarakat Sipil dan Gerakan Politik: Studi Kasus Reformasi Bahrain

2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 83-99

In early 2011, countries in the Middle East and North Africa experienced a great mass movement that demanded their country leader to step down. Bahrain was one of the countries that experienced a mass movement, where the people of Bahrain demanded a government reformation that was considered authoritarian, repressive, and discriminative. The reformation that was wanted a change within the fields of politics, social, law and economy. This research aims to determine what factors causes the eruption of the mass movement in Bahrain on 2011. The writer used the concepts that the writer used to examine the problem using the concept mass movement by Eric Hoffer and the collective action by Charles Tilly and William Gamson. Based on the data there are and the theory the writer used, the factors that caused mass movement demanding reformation in Bahrain on 2011 are the disappointment from the people of Bahrain, the existence of organization and figure tha’s capable of mobilize the citizen, and also a special condition which is the mass movement that occurred in Egypt.

2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 89-96
Author(s):  
Sayyora Saidova ◽  

In the Middle East, the processes for leadership among religious and democratic progress in North Africa require that the state pursue secular policy on a scientific and dialectical basis. Because religious beliefs have become so ingrained in secular life that it is difficult to separate them. Because in the traditions and customs of the people, in various ceremonies, there is a secular as well as a religious aspect. Even the former Soviet Constitution, based on atheism, could not separate them. Religious faith has lived in the human heart despite external prohibitions. National independence has given freedom to religious belief, which is now breathing freely in the barrel. The religious policy of our state strengthens and expands this process and guarantees it constitutionally.


2014 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 121-140 ◽  
Author(s):  
Cara Lane-Toomey

Since the late 1950s, both the U.S. government and the general population have acknowledged an immediate need for a deepening of U.S. American knowledge of the people, languages, and culture of the Middle East and North Africa (MENA). Particularly in the fallout of the events of September 11, 2001, one means for U.S. undergraduates have expanded their understanding of this region has been through participation in Study Abroad (study abroad) programs. Despite the large amount of research on outcomes and educational approaches used in study abroad in general, there is little literature which addresses the relationship between national security concerns and study abroad in the MENA region. The purpose of this study is to examine the ways in which federal legislation has connected higher education to national security interests through provisions of federal funding for Area Studies and study abroad in less common destinations, and to discuss the influence of factors such as career motivations, scholarship support, and concern for U.S. national security on the decision to study abroad in the MENA region


Author(s):  
Salah M. Sharief ◽  

As of the last decade of the 20th century, the Middle East and Africa have been the birthplace of extremist organizations espousing a radical ideology, which encourages violence against the dissenters and branding them apostates. Organizations like Al-Qā’ida and Dā’ish/ISIL performed numerous terrorist acts around the world, but especially in the Middle East. Other Salafi organizations like Boko Haram also gained recognition in international media disproportionate to their actual size. This discourse was behind the coinage of the term ‘Islamic Terrorism’, which casts a shadow of suspicion on any member of the Muslim community worldwide and served as an impetus for the writing of this paper as a means of shedding light on other Muslim organizations, which arguably are much larger in scope and influence. At the same time, these organizations are peaceful in nature and characterized by an incomparable level of tolerance. In my quest for sources of both narratives, I traced the history of the advent and dissemination of Islam in Africa – such a diverse geographic, cultural, ethnic and religious setting. I discovered that whereas the advent of Islam in the northern part of the region (North Africa) unfolded relatively quickly through invasion, it entered the Sudanese Belt (an area from the red sea shore of modern-day Sudan in the East to today’s Mauritania by the Atlantic Ocean in the West) more gradually via trade relations and the influence of Sufi sheikhs. They lived with the people indigenous to the area and seamlessly weaved themselves into the fabric of the societies they came to counsel. This paper argues that the areas where Sufi Islam is present have been largely shielded from extremist ideologies, and the reverse is true for North Africa, where Islam arrived in a relatively short period of invasion. The argument is presented by looking at the example of modernday Sudan, which leads me to examine the phenomenon of Sufi orders entering political life through direct involvement by establishing political parties, which propelled them into direct confrontation with representatives of a different branch of the Islamic movement in politics, namely, the Islamists. Arguably, the strongest Islamist party in the Middle East and Africa of today is the Muslim Brotherhood. I look at the diverging values of the two. Where the Muslim Brotherhood is arguably seeking absolute political power through a rigid organizational structure, the Sufi orders have been integrating into the political life of the country of residence. I argue that this example constitutes an opportunity to renegotiate the social contract between different factions of the society and lay the foundation for a different Islamic narrative. One based on pluralism, tolerance and understanding, which has the potential to gradually transform the sociopolitical environment of the entire Sudanese Belt in this direction.


2017 ◽  
pp. 177-207
Author(s):  
Navid Pourmokhtari

Michel Foucault has inspired a rich body of work in the field of critical social theory and the social sciences in general. Few scholars working in the area of social movement studies, however, have applied a Foucauldian perspective to examining the twin phenomena of social mobilization and collective action. This may stem, in large part, from the commonly held assumption that Foucault had far more to say about ‘regimes of power’ than ever about mobilization and collective action or contention politics in general. Be that as it may, a close interrogation of his work reveals the broad contours of a theoretical framework for analyzing social movements whose chief merit lies in a sensitivity to the sociopolitical context within which oppositional movements form, develop and conduct their operations.     This paper aims at delineating what a Foucauldian model of social movements would entail, with specific reference to the Middle East and North Africa (MENA), a region traditionally consigned to the margins of social movement studies. An enquiry of this kind is important because, as I argue, the leading mainstream social movement theories that have been applied to contemporary MENA cases invariably fall short of fully elucidating the phenomenon of mass mobilization. Specifically, leading mainstream theories are prone to certain universalistic assumptions and ‘West-centric’ orientations that render them incapable of accounting for the specificities of MENA cases. I shall demonstrate how a Foucauldian perspective on social movements can bypass the problem of applicability to the MENA region by mapping out a theoretical framework whose chief merit lies in a sensitivity to the sociopolitical context within which oppositional movements form, develop and conduct their operations. At the same time, I argue that a Foucauldian model transcends social movement theories with their linear conception of social and political progress, their exclusivist understanding of sociopolitical ‘development’ and ‘modernist’ assumptions by advancing an account of ‘multiple modernities.’


2011 ◽  
Vol 28 (4) ◽  
pp. i-ix
Author(s):  
Zakyi Ibrahim

With the uprisings in the Middle East and North Africa come scores ofintellectual initiatives and academic investigations geared toward understandingthe forces and motives propelling these unprecedented developments.Conferences are being convened and special issues ofjournals are being dedicated to addressing some aspects of the currentphenomena ‒ not to talk of droves of “experts” (academic tourists?)pouring into the Muslim world for research. In short, the so-called“Arab Spring” ‒ also known by the people from the region as revolution(thawra), uprising (intifāÌa), renaissance (nahÌa) and awakening(ṣaḥwa)1 ‒ has been an intellectual treasure trove for academics in the areasof Middle Eastern Studies, Islamic Studies, and Comparative Politics.But are the attempts to explain these phenomena enough to guide the presentand future Muslim generations to proper trajectories toward sociopoliticaland intellectual success? This editorial is intended to argue that, despitethe potential positive outcomes from recent initiatives, now is the opportunetime for Muslims to seize in order to design future trajectories for their upcominggenerations. The sociopolitical imperatives (civility, freedom, empowerment,pluralism, and happiness, to name a few), to which they aspireto respond, must be guided by, or anchored in, grand intellectual endeavors ...


Author(s):  
Dina Bishara

Why did unemployed university graduates form collective associations in some countries in the Middle East and North Africa but not in others? Despite similar levels of grievances around educated unemployment, reversals in guaranteed employment schemes, and similarly restrictive conditions for mobilization, unemployed graduates’ associations formed in Morocco and Tunisia but not in Egypt. Conventional explanations—focused on grievances, political opportunities, or pre-existing organizational structures—cannot account for this variation. Instead, I point to the power of ideologically conducive frames for mobilization around the time that grievances become salient. A strong Leftist oriented tradition of student unionism in Morocco and Tunisia was necessary for the emergence of a rights-based discourse around the “right to work.” This was not the case in Egypt, where Islamists, not Communists, dominated student politics at the time that grievances around educated unemployment became salient. This article offers one of the first comparative studies of the mobilization of the unemployed in a non-Western, non-democratic context.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document