Islam in Karachay-Cherkessia Region During the Soviet Period

Based on a wide range of sources, this article shows the development of Islam on the territory of Karachay- Cherkessia during the Soviet period. In the fi rst years of Soviet power, the declared atheism did not prevent the Bolsheviks from using the religious factor to attract the sympathy of the population. The commonality of Islam and Bolshevism in relation to social equality and justice was declared, and the system of Shari‘a legal proceedings was preserved for some time. As their positions were strengthened, the Bolsheviks no longer needed allies, the religious infrastructure was destroyed, and the clergy, including the Islamic ones, were repressed. However, in the conditions of the Great Patriotic War, when the need arose for the formation of patriotic sentiments, religion again took its, albeit limited, place in public life. The sound policy pursued by the regional authorities with regard to Islam in the 1980s made it possible to successfully resist the onslaught of religious extremism that hit the country in the post- Soviet period and build a religious infrastructure practically from scratch.

The role of the Russian Orthodox Church in the context of the Russian-Ukrainian armed conflict

The article analyses the influence of the religious factor on the internal processes of nation-state consolidation in Ukraine and on the causes and consequences of the Russian-Ukrainian conflict. The division of the Ukrainian Orthodoxy into three branches (UAOC, UOC-KP and UOC-MP) did not allow the Church to become a consolidating factor in the formation of a nation-state in independent Ukraine and a generator of social transformation. The situation may change for the better after the creation of the Autocephalous Orthodox Church of Ukraine in 2018.

International Discussions on Religious Factor in Global Bioethics

The article analyzes the cooperation of UN structures with religious non-governmental organizations, as well as with faith-based communities. The authors consider diff erent levels of the infl uence of the religious factor on the UN activity, and also articulate new directions of its development, outlined during the COVID-19 period. The authors focus on the latent semantic and structural confl ict nature of the global agenda, which is formulated by elites who recognize the “benefi ts” of religious institutions and seek to use the possibilities of religious networks, on the one hand. On the other hand, they point to internal disagreements characteristic of national religious communities, which, as a result of their participation in international dialogue, bring additional tension both to global discussions and to the internal processes of their countries. Global health, which has become an important part of international relations, puts on the agenda the search for a new ethic of global dialogue, of which religious values and religious actors are becoming a part. In the COVID-19 pandemic, trends have emerged that have made the role of religion more visible in the current global health and bioethics agenda. First of all, in connection with the threats of a global pandemic, the need to create new forms of global health management and response to epidemic threats, as well as the organization of a system of “assistance” to developing countries in the fi eld of public health.

Hinduism in the Socio-Political Life of India

The article analyzes the importance of the religious factor in determining the ways of socio-political development of India. India remains a country with a multi-confessional population with a clear predominance of adherents of Hinduism. In addition to the infl uence of Hinduism on the life of orthodox society, where castes still play a special role, which determine the norms of behavior and rules of communication, the author analyzes the role of religion in the political agenda of the country. Under the conditions of colonialism, Hinduism was established as a national religion and the basis of a national tradition. The active involvement of Hinduism in political life began at the end of the nineteenth century, when such political parties as the Muslim League and Hindu Mahasabha appeared. The task of the latter was to create a Hindu state in India. The author also pays special attention to the analysis of the formation of the Bharatiya Janata Party, which is characterized as the political wing of a group of Hindu nationalist organizations. The growing popularity of this party, which won the elections in 2014 and 2019, indicates the strengthening of the positions of communalist organizations. These trends show that the active inclusion of religion in the political agenda aff ects the nature of the country’s democratic institutions, gradually transforming the popular thesis that India is a country representing “unity in diversity”.

The role of Ukrainian "traditional" Churches in the transformational processes of transition from the totalitarian to the democratic system of Ukraine (1989 – 2005)

The article analyzes the participation of the Churches of the Kyiv tradition (these include the UGCC, UOC-MP, UOC-KP, UAOC) in the processes of transition of Ukrainian society from a totalitarian to a democratic system. During this period, the collapse of the Soviet Union, Ukraine's independence and a large-scale democratic Orange Revolution took place. Undoubtedly, just as the Ukrainian Churches joined these events, so did the socio-political vicissitudes themselves influence the formation of the identity and positioning of many Christian denominations. The author considers the role of the UGCC and UAOC in the processes of national uplift and establishment of Ukrainian statehood in the late 80's of the XX century. Given that, the religious factor played an important role in the collapse of the totalitarian state and the establishment of Ukrainian statehood. At the beginning of independence, sovereign Ukraine faced the path of geopolitical choice, and eventually the scales prevailed in the direction of European integration, which gradually began to play an important role in shaping the country's foreign policy. The author finds out the cultural and religious reasons for the geopolitical choice of the majority of Ukrainians. One of the conclusions in the article is the fact that the Ukrainian Churches undoubtedly fall into the field of geopolitical confrontation, some of them choose the path of supporting the European integration process; others, on the contrary, argue in favor of the pro-Russian vector. This civilizational confrontation in society led to the Orange Revolution. As the Churches integrate into public life, one can observe their involvement in the events on Maidan in 2004. The events of the Orange Revolution contributed to the revival of democratic processes in Ukraine. And the experience gained by churches in participating in socio-political vicissitudes has helped to improve communication between churches, rethink their relationship with the state and form new relationships with society.

Iran’s position regarding the afghan military conflict in 1978-1979

The author considers the position of Iran regarding the Afghan armed conflict (1978-1979) before the Soviet troops entered Afghanistan, as well as the consistent evolution of this position and the involvement of Iran in internal Afghan events. The author relies mainly on documentary sources, but also attracts scientific works in Russian and English (including the works of Iranian authors). According to the author, the analysis and study of Irans position on Afghanistan and the evolution of this position deserve a separate article because, firstly, the religious factor began to especially influence Irans foreign policy after the events of the Islamic Revolution of 1979; secondly, for the two years chosen for consideration in an article in Iran, the political regime has radically changed, and it is useful to consider the transformation of Irans foreign policy from the reign of the shah to the theocratic regime. In the first part of the article, the author analyzes the position of the Shah of the Iranian regime regarding the April Revolution of 1979 and the political changes that took place in Afghanistan after the revolution. The second part is devoted to the policy of Iran with respect to Afghanistan in 1979, and in this part the author argues that the Herat rebellion, which took place in March 1979, became the main trigger for transforming Irans attitude towards Afghanistan from a wait-and-see attitude to active involvement. The author also notes, that Irans policy towards Afghanistan in 1978-1979 developed sequentially, despite the radical transformation of power in Iran itself during this period.

THE CONFLICT AND POST-CONFLICT ISLAMIZATION OF CHECHNYA AS SOCIAL AND POLITICAL PHENOMENON

The article is aimed to reveal the influence of religious factor on the conflict and post-conflict societal and political spheres of the Chechen Republic. The study is based on the retrospective and discourse analysis of central and republican newspapers, interviews and speeches of political leaders, publications of the Spiritual Administration of Muslims of the Chechen Republic, materials of opposition and hostile Internet resources. The study identifies several phases of the Islamization of Chechnya: 1) an attempt to create an Islamic state during the struggle for sovereignty; 2) the choice of Akhmad Kadyrov in favor of loyalty to the federal center and adherence to traditional Islam in defiance of the Wahhabi project; 3) Wahhabism, which had not taken root in Chechnya, went into the cyber underground, and its supporters joined the “Global Jihad”; 4) today’s penetration of traditional Islam into social (school, family, gender relations) and political (local and regional administration, international relations) life of the republic. The restoration of the role of Islam as an important social, moral and political regulator demonstrates the possibility of new gaps between secular society and the political system of modern Russia and Chechnya as a part of the country.

North Atlantic Treaty Organization towards the war in Syria 2011-2015

The conflict in Syria that started in 2011 has quickly evolved from a local uprising inspired by the events of the so-called “Arab Spring” into a multidimensional and complicated conflict of a civil war character, with many diverse participants and a very significant religious factor apart from political and socioeconomic reasons. Furthermore, the conflict has become internationalized: more and more external parties have gotten involved in it with a view to furthering or safeguarding their own interests. A vast majority of these actors were states (as far as legal entities are concerned). In the context of their activity, operations of non-state entities, such as international organizations, were rather limited and focused on social and humanitarian issues. This also pertains to the North Atlantic Treaty Organization. Evolving from a typical defensive alliance towards a security organization and, since the end of the Cold War, consistently operating outside the area covered by the Treaty (understood as the territories of member states), NATO as an autonomous entity has not taken any consistent, coordinated, or decisive actions during the first years of the Syrian conflict. This is due to both the specific features of this international organization and the determinants of the international environment with their dynamics.