Strategic Response of Korea by China’s Military Power Strengthening - Korea by Focusing on Security Policy Direction and Military Response Strategy -

2018 ◽  
Vol 23 (3) ◽  
pp. 89-110
Author(s):  
Tae-Sung Kim ◽  
Sang-Hyun Lee
Author(s):  
Jay Lockenour

This chapter argues that the Berlin Republic remains demilitarized in significant ways, despite maintaining its armed forces and deploying those forces into combat. Germany's security policy is based on multilateralism, a preference for non-military instruments of diplomacy, and a defense strategy based in equal measure on deterrence and reassurance. Germany wields military power only with great difficulty, as seen in Bosnia, Kosovo, and Afghanistan. Germany's military budget and its armed forces are also shrinking. Only at the margins of German society could one claim to encounter strains of a classical militarism or the glorification of military values. Because the lessons of Germany's past coincide with trends in the European environment to stigmatize large-scale violence, it is reasonable to see Germany moving toward a lasting demilitarization.


2011 ◽  
Vol 41 (162) ◽  
pp. 69-82
Author(s):  
Werner Ruf

After World War II (West-)Germany was supposed to never again become a military Power. When it joined NATO all its troops had to be under the command of the alliance – but its contributions to NATO grew steadily. In the 2 + 4 treaty the united Germany pledged to never undertake any military aggression. With the Treaty of Masstricht the EU started to establish its own security policy. Germany’s active engagement in both alliances became its instrument for military emancipation. With growing military engagement of the EU (and Germany) -- especially in Africa -- as well as the predominant role of Germany in the EU and its engagement in the UN and NATO, the country is back on its way to becoming one of the big powers.


2019 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 2-25 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mutlaq Jalimid Alotaibi ◽  
Steven Furnell ◽  
Nathan Clarke

Purpose It is widely acknowledged that non-compliance of employees with information security polices is one of the major challenges facing organisations. This paper aims to propose a model that is intended to provide a comprehensive framework for raising the level of compliance amongst end-users, with the aim of monitoring, measuring and responding to users’ behaviour with an information security policy. Design/methodology/approach The proposed model is based on two main concepts: a taxonomy of the response strategy to non-compliant behaviour and a compliance points system. The response taxonomy comprises two categories: awareness raising and enforcement of the security policy. The compliance points system is used to reward compliant behaviour and penalise non-compliant behaviour. Findings A prototype system has been developed to simulate the proposed model and work as a real system that responds to the behaviour of users (reflecting both violations and compliance behaviour). In addition, the model has been evaluated by interviewing experts from academic and industry. They considered the proposed model to offers a novel approach for managing end users’ behaviour with the information security policies. Research limitations/implications Psychological factors were out of the research scope at this stage. The proposed model may have some psychological impacts upon users; therefore, this issue needs to be considered by studying the potential impacts and the best solutions. Originality/value Users being compliant with the information security policies of their organisation is the key to strengthen information security. Therefore, when employees have a good level of compliance with security policies, this positively affects the overall security of an organisation.


2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (4) ◽  
pp. 79-90 ◽  
Author(s):  
Seiichiro Hasui ◽  
Hiroshi Komatsu

Climate security has been discussed in both academia and policy documents in the West. A key point that surfaces from these discussions is that the cooperation of non-military organizations is essential for effective responses to climate change-related threats. This overlaps considerably with debates on security in Japan, where the use of force is constitutionally restricted. Therefore, it is possible to localize the concept of climate security to the genealogy of Japan’s security policy that, in the 1980s and 1990s, sought a non-traditional security strategy that did not rely solely on military power in the name of “comprehensive security,” “environmental security,” and “human security.” In Japan, the perspective of climate security is rare. However, the introduction of a unique climate security concept into security policy enables the maintenance of national security and environmental conservation. Additionally, struggling with climate change alongside neighboring countries contributes to mutual confidence building and stability in international relations in Northeast Asia. To achieve this objective, we first show that climate security includes many kinds of security concerns by surveying previous studies and comparing Western countries’ climate security policies. Second, we follow the evolution of Japan’s security policy from 1980 to 2021. Finally, we review Japanese climate security policies and propose policy options.


Author(s):  
Alessio Patalano

The chapter develops for the first time in the Japanese context a framework to comprehend the role of naval power as a tool of statecraft and why it matters to Japan’s foreign and security policy. The chapter employs a strategic studies methodology to overcome the explanatory limits of mainstream perspectives narrowly focused on debating the nature of Japanese military power from a normative perspective. In so doing, it aims to make three distinctive contributions. First, the chapter argues that Japan’s military posture is not the result of a constrained legal framework. As a liberal democracy with an export-oriented economy, the shape of Japanese military power is consistent with the model of a “seapower state.” Second, the chapter argues that the most significant changes in Japanese naval power do not concern the expansion of capabilities or renewed commitment to the US-Japan alliance. They concerned the empowerment of Japanese foreign policy with the option to actively “shape” international stability. Third, the chapter explores how Prime Minister Abe’s impact on the use of naval power has not negated constitutional constraints. Rather, he focused naval power’s shaping potential to underpin and reinforce his signature Free and Open Indo-Pacific initiative.


Author(s):  
Christopher W. Hughes

This chapter revaluates the utility of militarization as a framework for comprehending Japan’s changing military stance, and to challenge many current analyses that portray Japan’s security trajectory as one of essential continuity. The concept of militarization assists in identifying those military components—institutional and ideological in nature—present in all societies, including Japan, which are subject to contestation and alteration and open the way to substantive change in military security policy. The first section of the chapter outlines Japan’s self-declared and self-imposed constraints on its military posture in the immediate postwar and Cold War periods to establish the baselines against which any shifts toward remilitarization can be evaluated. The sections thereafter systematically assess these baselines and the degree of subsequent shift in the post–Cold War and contemporary periods—in terms of legal and constitutional constraints on military power, procurement of new military capabilities, increases in defense budgets, civil-military relations, the export of military technologies, and external and alliance military commitments. The concluding section, in assessing the overall trajectory of Japan’s military posture, and arguing that there has been substantial change rather than continuity, then considers the interrelationship with and challenges for the quality of Japanese democracy.


2020 ◽  
Vol 44 ◽  
pp. 26-43
Author(s):  
Justinas Lingevicius

The annexation of the Crimean Peninsula in 2014 dramatically changed routine practices and perceptions about Lithuania’s foreign policy agenda. The threat to this small state’s security marked a new era of active searching for self-definition and policy direction. The article aims to analyse the dominant tendencies of Lithuania’s identity in foreign and security policy after 2014. Lithuania is selected precisely because of its vocal reaction and concerns after the annexation of Crimea. This article analyses speeches, comments and statements made within contemporary political discourse by key political leaders in Lithuania’s foreign and security policy. It argues that – in light of potential military threat – political leaders advocate for increased self-responsibility and readiness to act as the relations with their respective partners remain both crucial and complicated.


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